12. GLORY

THE RISING SPIRIT OF NATIONALISM

Since the fall of the Roman empire "Italy" was more a geographic designation on a map of Europe than an actual political entity.  Italy – like Germany – was made up of a number of small but very independent states ... including the Pope’s own Papal States.  Being so divided, Italy was thus easy prey for the larger powers of Europe, Spain and France ... joined eventually by Austria. Italy got caught up in the political turmoil of the French Revolution, especially when in 1796 Napoleon Bonaparte brought his French army into the region and established something of a Republic which briefly included most of Italy ... until a peasant reaction in Napoleon’s absence returned Italy to its former status quo (including the restoration of the Papal States and Austria’s dominance).  But once Napoleon took full power in France he returned to Italy (1800) and brought quickly most of northern Italy again under French control.  He established in 1805 the title of "King of Italy" and then had his troops seize the southern Kingdom of Naples (1806), adding it to the Italian kingdom.  In 1809 he completed the unification of Italy by seizing Rome and the Papal States.  At this point, whether they were for or against Napoleon, Italians clearly understood the importance – and the possibilities – of a unified Italian state. When Napoleon was finally overthrown in 1815, Italy was divided into nine states ... and efforts were made by Metternich and the ‘Big Five’ of Europe to restore Italy to its pre-Napoleonic social-cultural status.  But young Italians had little love for this situation.  Secret societies were formed, chief among them the Carbonari, for the purpose of instituting a unified Italian state – by force if necessary.  But failed uprisings in 1820 and 1831 brought great discouragement.  Nonetheless they persisted.  And by the mid-1800s it appeared that the possibilities of a unified Italian state hinged greatly on the efforts of three key individuals: Giuseppe Mazzini, Count Camillo di Cavour, and Giuseppe Garibaldi (with Victor Emmanuel II also important). Mazzini The young and energetic intellectual Mazzini, with strong republican loyalties, was imprisoned in 1830, escaped, founded from his exile in France an organization called Young Italy (1832) which spread rapidly in membership and reach in Italy.  He wrote countless pamphlets brought secretly into Italy, outlining the noble nature of a "Risorgimento"  ("resurgence" or "rising again') ... involving the political unification of all Italy.  Thus it was that he himself became something of its "soul" in the process.   His cause was naturally opposed by others – those wanting a national monarchy rather than a republic ... and those who wanted an independent but federal Italy of unified states under the authority of the pope.  Indeed when the liberal-minded Pius IX took the papal position in 1846 this seemed to be the most likely path that Italian independence would take... until the huge support of many Italians for the ideals of the 1848 revolutions sweeping Europe shocked the pope.  Pius was bitterly opposed to such democratic or republican instincts and turned himself into a full reactionary. Cavour ... and the Kingdom of Sardinia-Piedmont The uprisings of 1848 indeed brought movement, at least briefly, toward the ideals of Mazzini and Young Italy.  All through northern Italy the Austrians and their local colleagues were driven from power, and at first the rulers of Tuscany and Naples – and the pope – joined in support of this nationalist movement.  But strong disagreements as to what direction Italy was to take next crippled the movement, and Naples and the Papal States pulled out of the movement altogether.  This left only the liberal-minded King Charles Albert of the Kingdom of Sardinia-Piedmont to continue the battle as the Austrians and their colleagues regained their positions in northern Italy.  By 1849 the Austrians had defeated Charles Albert and his smaller army ... and the effort on behalf of Italian independence seemed to have come to an end.  But the Italian hopeful would not forget the sacrificial effort of Sardinia-Piedmont in support of the cause. A tired Charles Albert turned his throne over to his son, Victor Emmanuel II (1848), who continued his father’s liberal policies.  Best of all, he had the wisdom in 1854 to pick as his prime minister the highly capable Cavour.  Cavour understood that Italy’s destiny was closely connected to Sardinia-Piedmont’s leadership and immediately set himself to the task of building up the social muscle (industrial, commercial, military) of the kingdom.  He also understood the importance of diplomatic connections ... and thus engaged Sardinia- Piedmont fully in the Crimean War as ally with France and Britain.  Cavour even sent his attractive cousin, the Countess Castiglione, to woo (successfully) Napoleon III. Now, in alliance with France, Cavour was ready to move against Austria in northern and central Italy.  He cleverly drew Austria into declaring war (1859) to which France and Sardinia-Piedmont responded by routing the Austrian forces at Magenta and Solferino (June).  Then, just as Austria was about to be run out of Italy, Napoleon III, seeing his own armies badly bloodied by the action, decided to conclude his own separate armistice with the Austrian Emperor Franz Joseph, ignoring his promise to Victor Emmanuel to fight until Austria was run out of all of Italy.  However, in its treaty with France, Austria ceded much of its holdings in northern Italy to Sardinia-Piedmont ... but was allowed to keep Venice and its large holdings in the northeast. While this was a cruel blow to Cavour ... it was also a hugely foolish move on Napoleon’s part.  Napoleon did get the regions of Nice and Savoy added to France (given up by Sardinia-Piedmont as part of the deal).  But his actions so strongly in favor of Austria raised questions about his reliability as an ally and as a player in Europe’s diplomatic games.  It also seemed in the eyes of liberal French to be a betrayal of the hope of a spread of liberal political philosophy to the rest of Europe ... and to Italy in particular.  And on the other hand the alliance with Cavour, and his clear goal of absorbing all of Italy (including the Papal States) into a liberal Italy, alienated Napoleon III from the strongly Catholic instincts of the French countryside.  His Italian policy would thus mark the beginning of Napoleon III’s political decline. For Cavour however, things worked out better.  Inspired by his actions, a number of Italian states in northern Italy took the initiative themselves in 1860 to oust their Austrian overlords and declare their union with Sardinia-Piedmont. Garibaldi At the same time (1860) activity of the same nature was stirring in the south of Italy.  At its head was the adventuresome Garibaldi, a long-time rebel in favor of political liberalism, who had escaped to South America after a failed uprising in Genoa in 1830 and there learned the art of guerrilla warfare.  He returned in 1847 in time to participate in the 1848 uprising, put down by Napoleon III, which forced him to flee Italy a second time.  He made a small fortune in America and returned to live on a small island off the coast of Sardinia in 1854.  Then when in 1859 things began moving again in the form of a revived Italian nationalism, he organized in Naples a small army of ‘Red Shirts’ and in 1860 moved them to Sicily and then, accompanied by Victor Emmanuel, to Naples to end the Bourbon Kingdom of the Two Sicilies ... and bring the region into union with Victor Emmanuel’s kingdom.  In 1861 a new Italian national parliament then met at Turin to organize the new Kingdom of Italy ... and put it to a vote of the Italian people.  By an overwhelming majority, the Kingdom and its constitution ... and Victor Emmanuel as its king ... were approved by the people. his left the question of Venice (still under the Austrians) and the status of Rome and the Latium region unanswered.  Wars elsewhere would soon provide the answers.  When in 1866 Prussia defeated Austria in a struggle over German leadership, Austria was forced to give Venice (and the entire region of Venetia) over to the new kingdom of Italy as part of the peace agreement.  Then when Prussia engaged France in war in 1870, Napoleon III was forced to pull his troops out of Rome, and the Pope lost his military protector.  This allowed Victor Emmanuel then to hold an Italian plebiscite on the matter, with a majority of Italians voting in favor of attaching both Rome and Latium to the Italian Kingdom.  This then allowed him to seize Rome and make it his new capital city, minus a very small area inside of Rome left to the Papacy – "Vatican City."   Thus it was that the Italian dream had just been fulfilled.  The Italians now had their own kingdom, with Rome as its grand capital. Pius IX (pope 1846-1878) fights back.  The huge political loss by Pius of the Papal States to the new Kingdom of Italy turned him from something of a social Liberal to a very conservative – most would even say highly reactionary – Catholic leader.  He excommunicated the Italian King Victor Emmanuel and the rest of the Italian political leadership for how they had terminated the Church's ability to carry out its long-standing responsibilities. But at least the loss freed Pius to turn his attention to strictly religious matters, although he – and the popes that would follow for the next half century – remained deeply opposed politically to the new Italian state ... and would denounce it at every opportunity. Early on Pius knew how to reach the hearts of Catholics everywhere – whether they be Italian, Spanish, Polish, Irish, German, Austrian, Belgian, French, American etc. – with his efforts in 1848 to elevate, through a papal encyclical, Jesus's mother Mary to the status of being totally sinless, most notably untouched by sexual intercourse,2 having brought forward the Christ Child through a process of "immaculate conception."  And being thus sin-free (from birth to death) she was herself well-situated to be sought devotedly for divine intercession on behalf of a confessing sinner. However, this in turn raised the question:  does the pope have the right to decide such theological matters through the simple means of papal encyclicals – of which Pius had been issuing many?  Thus in 1869 a council (the First Vatican Council) was called to decide the matter.  And indeed it did.  When the Council concluded its work the following year, it had confirmed very strongly the doctrine of "papal infallibility."  The pope's words issued ex cathedra carried the full weight of Catholic Truth in all matters of faith and morals.  Period. But would this bold step forward of Catholic authority hold back the growing Secular trend clearly overtaking the West? And what about the rising spirit of nationalism?  National loyalties were clearly growing ever-stronger than traditional Christian loyalties.  True, Westerners continued to identify themselves as "Christians."  But what they truly seemed ready to stand on – and even die for – was their identities as Italians, Spanish, Polish, Irish, etc.  Christian loyalties by no means held anywhere near the same position in the hearts of Westerners that rising national loyalties now did. 2This inevitably raised the old question:  who exactly then were the brothers and sisters of Jesus mentioned in Scripture (Mark 3:31-35, Mark 6:3, Galatians 1:19, etc.)? Victor Emmanuel's troops forcing their way into Rome - September 20, 1870 -  by Carlo Ademollo (1880) Museo del Risorgimento - Milan A photo of the breach in Rome's Aurelian walls where Victor Emmanuel's troops entered Rome BISMARCK AND THE NEW GERMANY The Zollverein As Italy had formerly been, Germany had long been more a geographic designation on the map of Europe than a single society.  Linguistically the German language (in the form of many quite distinct dialects) had been something of a unifying factor ... thanks in great part to Luther’s German Bible.  But politically, Germany had long been split into a multitude of competing German states large and small ... some 300 of them!  Napoleon had forcibly consolidated this vast number into 39 German states ... a configuration that was retained even after Napoleon’s defeat.  But that meant that in the early 1800s there were still 39 German states continuing to compete politically and economically, crippling German power. A move towards union occurred when after the Napoleonic wars Prussia started to liberalize the tariffs among the German states ruled by the Hohenzollern king of Prussia.   But other German states were invited to join Prussia in some kind of expanding customs union.  This finally led in 1834 to the creation of a grand customs union or Zollverein.  Initially the Zollverein included 18 states.  Austria was not part of the membership (Austria was unwilling to lower its high protective tariffs ... and Metternich was opposed to such a link with Prussia).  But over the years other German states joined ... until by the early 1850s Austria was the only German state outside the Zollverein.  Thus Germany was taking shape as a single entity ... at least economically.  But such economics easily registered itself politically.   Bismarck vs. the German Liberals The son of a Prussian Junker (minor nobleman), Otto von Bismarck came to public attention first as a delegate to the Prussian assembly or Diet that the Prussian king Frederick William IV (Friedrich Wilhelm IV) had called in 1847 in response to liberal demands.  He stood out from the liberals in his strong defense of the sovereign rule of the Hohenzollern ... and in his belief that only the Hohenzollern monarchy had the call to unite all of Germany.  In 1851 he was a Prussian representative to the Diet of the Austrian-dominated Germanic Confederation where he showed himself unwilling to bow to the Austrian domination of German politics.  To Bismarck, only Prussia had the makings of true German leadership.  He made his views well known not only to Austria and the rest of the German world, but also to Frederick William, whom he regularly consulted with in Berlin.   In 1857, when Frederick William was incapacitated by a massive stroke, his brother William (or Wilhelm) took over Prussian rule as Regent.  But Wilhelm was of a more liberal mind-set and found Bismarck’s politics so challenging to the prevailing liberal political mood that in 1859 he sent Bismarck to Russia as ambassador.  This effectively removed a frustrated Bismarck from the unfolding drama taking place in Italy and central Europe.  But Bismarck used his time "on ice" in St. Petersburg to good effect, learning more about the intricacies of European diplomacy and building up a relationship with the Russian court that would later serve him well.  He would also use that time to develop a close political relationship with Prussian generals von Roon (Prussian Minister of War) and von Moltke (Prussian Military Chief of Staff).  Then in 1862 Bismarck was sent to Paris as Prussian Ambassador, using his time there to become acquainted with the personal traits of Napoleon III ... and in a long visit to London, to familiarize himself with Britain’s chief politicians, Prime Minister Palmerston, Foreign Secretary Russell and Conservative Party leader Disraeli. Friedrich Wilhelm IV Wilhelm I      The situation in Berlin began to swing in Bismarck’s favor when in 1861 Friedrich Wilhelm died and Wilhelm I became fully Prussian king ... and found himself increasingly at odds with the Liberals in the Prussian Diet.  A crisis developed in 1862 between Wilhelm and the Diet when the Liberals refused to fund the strengthening of the Prussian army.  The situation reached a point where Wilhelm was ready to abdicate, when Bismarck, called to Berlin by Roon, arrived in time to talk him out of it.  At this point Wilhelm was ready to entrust the strong-willed Bismarck with the position of president of his ministry (effectively, prime minister or chancellor).  Now Bismarck could get to work building his long-sought united Germany under Prussian command.  With Roon and Moltke at his side, Bismarck was about to show Europe how the game of politics and diplomacy is supposed to be played. With respect to the Liberals’ unwillingness to provide funding for the military, Bismarck simply ignored the Prussian constitution and continued to collect taxes on the basis of earlier legislation ... infuriating the Liberal Diet, which however seemed to have no answer to the overbearing Bismarck.  Bismarck then tightened supervision of the press, causing him even greater unpopularity.  But neither Bismarck – nor Wilhelm – were slowed up by popular opposition, even when a new Diet came to office with an even greater Liberal majority. Ignoring his liberal opposition, Bismarck had moved to strengthen greatly the Prussian military, explaining that: Germany looks not to the liberalism of Prussia, but to its power. ... The great questions of the time cannot be resolved by speeches and parliamentary majorities – that was the great mistake of 1848 and 1849 – but by iron (Eisen) and blood (Blut). For the next four years (1862-1866) he was unquestionably the most hated person in Germany.  But that was about to change. A meeting of the German Confederation - 1863 The Schleswig-Holstein question and the Austro-Prussian War (1863-1866) Bismarck was looking for some pretext to put Austria to the test before the watchful eyes of the rest of Germany.  In 1863 he found his opportunity when Frederick VII of Denmark died ... and a dispute arose over who should inherit the throne ... and in particular the Danish duchies of German-speaking Holstein and Schleswig (the southern half also with a German-speaking population).  When the new Danish king Christian IX moved under a rising spirit of Danish nationalism to fully annex Schleswig, Bismarck reacted to this insult to the equally strong spirit of German nationalism and got Austria to join him (1864) in invading Denmark and forcing Christian to give up both provinces.  Now the question remained of who should get which of the two duchies.  Ultimately (1865) Austria took Holstein and Prussia took Schleswig. But, as Bismarck anticipated, Austria began to encourage a German duke to claim the right to rule the duchies ... giving Bismarck opportunity to depict Austria as trying to stir up liberal troubles in northern Germany.  Claiming this to be simply a defensive move, Bismarck ordered his Prussian troops into Austrian-occupied Holstein.  The Austrians resisted ... and Bismarck (with his carefully cultivated Italian allies moving against Austria in Italy) easily crushed a divided Austrian army at Königgrätz (or Sadowa).   By this time the Germans had been stirred to intense patriotic nationalism (and Bismarck had become Germany’s national hero, no longer its most hated citizen!).  But Bismarck played a cool hand by refusing to let Prussian troops do any more damage to a crushed Austrian ego.  To add further insult to injury, Bismarck was relatively generous to his defeated enemy, increasing greatly Prussia’s political stature.  In victory Prussia received additional German lands ... but none taken from Austria.  Austria was forced only to pay a small indemnity to Prussia and to accord full rights to Prussia in Schleswig-Holstein.  However Italy did receive Venetia from Austria as its reward for allying with Prussia in the conflict. Austria also had to agree to the dissolution of the German Confederation – which Austria had long dominated – its place taken by a new huge North German Confederation – in which clearly Prussia would dominate (Austria was excluded from membership).  According to the new constitution, member states would retain full sovereignty in domestic matters. As a federal union it would possess a legislature of an upper house (Bundesrat) representing the various member states and a lower house (Bundestag) representing the German voting public.  Also the new North German Confederation would be headed by the Prussian king, who would also be charged with the conduct of the confederation’s foreign diplomacy.  The Franco-Prussian War (1870-1871) Now it was time for Bismarck to bring the southern German states (still excluding Austria) into his newly forming Germany.  Napoleon III would unwittingly facilitate that move.  Napoleon had been expecting to be a Prussian ally in the conflict with Austria.  He thus expected in compensation the extension of French territory in the south of Germany all the way to the Rhine River.  But the war was over so quickly that he lost out on the payoff.  He then complained that at least his neutrality deserved him such a reward.  Bismarck tricked him into putting his demand in writing ... and then showed it to the southern German states, infuriating them and driving them into Prussia’s arms as protector against such French ambitions.  Now all Bismarck needed was an event – a French attack on Germany – to spark just those conditions, and complete the unification of all Germany. That event was to soon develop around the matter of naming a successor to the Spanish throne after Queen Isabella was deposed by a Spanish revolt in 1868.  A Hohenzollern Prussian prince Leopold was one of several possibilities ... causing Napoleon and France deep concern about a Prussian encirclement from the south and the east.  When Leopold withdrew his name from the list, it looked as if Bismarck was not going to get the confrontation he was looking for.  Napoleon was content to leave matters at that.  But his meddlesome wife pushed for a Prussian pledge that no Hohenzollern would ever become a candidate for the Spanish throne.  Wilhelm refused the request ... and then sent a telegram from Ems (where Wilhelm was vacationing) to Bismarck briefly explaining the event.  Bismarck reworked the telegram a bit, making the French demand appear insulting to German pride ... and Wilhelm’s reply insulting to French pride.  He then sent the revised Ems telegram for publication in the official newspaper. It had the desired effect of stirring an already sore French national pride into full fury ... leading Napoleon and the French Parliament to declare war in mid July 1870.  But the Germans were now united behind Bismarck and ready to take on their old national foe, Napoleonic France. Now appeared the huge differences in levels of political skill separating Bismarck and Napoleon III.  Napoleon was led by the passions of the French, who believed that their troops would be in Berlin in a matter of mere weeks.  Bismarck was the master of German opinion, not its servant.  Bismarck had over the years carefully prepared his military for this major super-power confrontation.  Napoleon’s France was unprepared ... its officers, its equipment, its numbers of trained soldiers.  Diplomatically, Bismarck had carefully laid the groundwork so that France would find itself isolated when it looked to former allies for help.  The Austrians had been neutralized, not just by the shock of their loss to the Prussians in their recent war but because they were afraid that the Russians, who Bismarck had been cultivating as allies, might join any conflict against them.  And Victor Emmanuel’s Italy was now clearly a Prussian ally, understanding that with France occupied in a war with Prussia, the Pope would lose French protection ... and thus the Papal States would be ripe for the plucking by the new Kingdom of Italy.  In short, Napoleon stood no chance of success in any conflict with Bismarck’s Germany. It did not take long for German superiority to register itself.  A French army sent out to hit the Germans was itself hit in a series of battles that within a month had it surrounded (August).  A second French army was sent out to relieve the first French army and it was surrounded and destroyed (September 2) at Sedan, including Napoleon III who was captured trying to lead the French attack. The news of the French defeat at Sedan was the signal for French politicians in Paris to take charge, to declare a provisional government or "Government of National Defense" of a new Third Republic (Napoleon III’s Second Empire had simply vanished).  Everyone expected the French and Germans at this point to meet for negotiations. But Bismarck was not finished.  He ordered his troops to march on Paris, which was fully surrounded before the end of the month.  The French were now up in arms all around the country and the war dragged on.  But Paris was soon starving and France was becoming increasingly chaotic.  When in early February (1871) it became obvious that Gambetta’s French troops would not be able to break the German encirclement of Paris, the provisional government was finally forced to surrender. Europe was shocked ... having expected the famous French army to make short work of the German army – rather than the opposite.  The results for France were disastrous.  As part of the terms of peace France was required to turn over to Germany the border regions of Alsace and Lorraine, pay a large indemnity to Germany, and have the northern half of France occupied by German troops until the indemnity was paid up.  To add further insult to France, a month earlier Wilhelm had been crowned the Emperor of the new German (Second) Empire at the Versailles Palace outside of Paris. French Soldiers in the Franco-Prussian War 1870-71 Providence, RI, Brown University Napoleon III Surrenders to Wilhelm after the Battle of Sedan - September 1870 Sammlung Archiv für Kunst und Geschichte - Berlin   January 1871 - Wilhelm declared Emperor of the new German Second Empire (Reich) at the Versailles Palace just outside of Paris VICTORIAN ENGLAND In 1837 an 18-year-old Victoria succeeded to her uncle William IV’s throne as Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.  Any doubts that she would be able to live up to the heavy duties laid on her by this inheritance were soon dispelled.  She was studious in her approach to problems, devoted to the welfare of Great Britain and its people and wise in her choice of counselors. Consequently, she gave her people a long reign devoid of the kinds of turmoil that shook the countries of continental Europe. Parliamentary leaders Several major political figures stood out during this long period of British politics.  In her early years the person who influenced her most was her German cousin and husband Albert (married in 1840), who shared her interests, her wisdom and her political skills. Victoria and Albert - 1854 (the era of the Crimean War) Also, in cooperation with whichever political party held the majority of seats in Parliament, she worked with a variety of influential prime ministers.  In the early days that was principally the Whigs Viscount Melbourne and Viscount Palmerston ... and the Tory Robert Peel.  After Albert’s death in 1861 several other figures would play a key role during her reign: the Conservatives Benjamin Disraeli and the Marquess of Salisbury and the Liberal William Gladstone.  Mostly the policies of these men differed only in detail and not in philosophy (though personally Victoria did not much care for Gladstone).  Disraeli and Gladstone both worked hard over their long careers to bring British politics closer to the democratic ideal ... and to defeat the other (their personal rivalry was relentless).  And both men seemed simply to alternate back and forth, in and out of power, as either Chancellor of the Exchequer (head of the treasury) or Prime Minister, from approximately 1852 to 1880. The Liberal Party Leader Gladstone The Conservative Party Leader Disraeli With the death of Disraeli in 1881, his place at the head of the Conservative Party was taken by Salisbury, a member of the House of Lords, who then alternated with Gladstone (who died in 1898) until shortly after Victoria’s death in 1901. The Irish Question One of the issues greeting Victoria and her advisors or cabinet in her first years was the matter of the Irish.  Ireland was fervently Catholic ... England and Scotland equally fervently Protestant.  Over the centuries the Irish, used to tribal government, were brought into English feudalism – where the land came under the ownership of English lords, mostly absentee landlords who remained in England while they collected taxes and services from the Irish farmers ... offering the Irish few (if any) benefits in return.  The unfairness of all this hit hard in the 1840s when a rapidly expanding Irish population – which lived mostly off a diet of potatoes ... found themselves facing starvation when a potato blight in 1845 destroyed the all-important Irish potato crop.  The Irish could have somehow survived the worst of the crisis ... except that 1) the Corn Laws (grain laws) passed in 1815 to protect English farming essentially made the import of foreign grain virtually impossible and 2) Ireland still produced enough food (grain, sheep, cattle, etc.) to have fed (meagerly) the Irish population ... except that English landlords sold the Irish production to foreign purchasers.   The plight of the Irish caused parliament finally to repeal the Corn Laws the next year (1846) ... except the blight again destroyed the potato crop.  Food was brought in from India ... though too little to hold off the starvation of Irish, which was now reaching major proportions.  Then in 1847 – and again in 1848 and 1849 – the blight continued.  And so did the starvation ... which given the weakened condition of the Irish was now joined by the plague.  In those five years over 700,000 Irish died.  And an equally huge number escaped death only by emigrating (many to America).  Consequently, the crisis left a deep bitterness among the Irish towards their English masters.  Secret societies formed with a goal similar to the ones on the European continent:  national independence.   It was not until Gladstone took office as British prime minister in 1868 that a serious effort was made to address the Irish question.  Gladstone pushed through an act disestablishing the Anglican (Protestant) Church in Ireland, undertook land reform offering greater opportunity for secure Irish ownership of their lands and promising fairer rent payments.  Sadly, English landlords would often ignore these reforms.  Thus over time a "Home Rule" movement gathered momentum in Ireland ... demanding Irish self-rule in all matters except foreign or imperial policy abroad.  But efforts of Gladstone in 1886 and 1893 to push such a policy through parliament were both met by defeat.  Thus as the 20th century approached, the political situation in Ireland was becoming explosive. The Irish Question Destitute Irish peasants being evicted from their homes British democratic reform  It is important to note that Great Britain does not have some great single document called a constitution, such as America has possessed since 1787 and political reformers on the European continent sought to put in place since the late 1700s.  According to constitutional theory in Great Britain, any act of Parliament has constitutional authority.  Thus when we talk of reform or development of the British Constitution we are simply describing the history of the various acts of Parliament that have shaped British political society.  Actually and most importantly, when the British talk of their constitution they are describing not even just a series of laws passed by Parliament but a larger moral-ethical sense that underlies all British politics.  It is this larger moral-ethical sense by which they are "constituted" politically. The Reform Act of 1832 had cleared up much of the political corruption of the "rotten boroughs"3 generated by strong demographic changes in a rapidly industrializing Britain and had brought an expansion in the number of citizens entitled to vote.  But that expansion reached only to the level of the middle classes ... ignoring the right of political participation of the even more rapidly expanding population of the British rural and urban industrial working class.  At first the Chartist movement of the 1840s attempted to bring reforms to a more fully democratic basis.  But its seeming connection with the continental events of 1848 merely brought stiff resistance to the movement and it soon died away.  But the Tory or Conservative Prime Minister Disraeli took up the cause in 1867 ... just after the Liberal Gladstone had succeeded the previous year in pushing through the House of Commons a very weak reform measure.  Disraeli’s Reform Bill extended the vote to all householders and long-term renters (except that it still exempted most miners and migratory farm workers). Actually it was the Liberals who first benefitted from this expansion of the electorate.  With a majority in the House of Commons in 1868, Gladstone was able to begin to push through a series of pieces of legislation providing for the secret rather than the oral ballot, the expansion of national education (doubling the number of local schools), and the reform of both the civil service and the military (appointment by exam or proven merit ... not just personal connections!).  Then in 1874 a national election returned Disraeli and the Conservatives to power ... and Disraeli continued the reform movement, focusing more on the working conditions and hours of the British working classes.  In 1880 the national vote turned again in Gladstone’s favor, and he was able in 1884 to extend the vote to the agricultural laborer.  And the next year his Liberal majority passed an act redesigning the individual constituencies so that they represented more equitably the spread of the British population.  And thus it was that by the end of the century Great Britain could claim to be truly a constitutional democracy. 3A district sending someone as a representative to Parliament … except that the district demographically represents very few actual voters – often only a particular individual or family. Disraeli introduces his Representation of the People Act in Parliament - 1867 Gladstone introducing political reforms for Ireland - 1886 TSARIST RUSSIA Autocracy The word "autocrat" had originally been merely a Greek or Byzantine title for "emperor."4  It conveyed pretty much the same political sense that "divine rights" did among West Europe’s kings.  Thus the Russian Tsar proudly pronounced himself to be the Russian Autocrat.  But it was the actual behavior of the tsars over time that gradually made "autocrat" to mean "despot" or even "cruel dictator," someone possessing unquestioned or total power over his people.   This had not always been the case.  The build-up of Tsarist power in Russia occurred in tandem with the development of the rise of monarchical power to the west in Europe ... except that unlike Western kingdoms, there were no other institutions such as the church or the aristocracy offering some kind of check, even though small, on the powers of the king.  In Russia (as in England), the church did not have a political base outside the reach of the tsar, and the tsar thus controlled the personnel and activities of the church ... which existed mostly to bring the Russian people to faithful support of the autocratic tsar.  Russia did have a small class of noblemen but they had no independent power, the tsar being able to appoint them ... but also depose them, not only from his imperial service but from even their lands and titles.  There existed few towns and thus hardly anything constituting a Russian middle class.  Serfdom The economy of Russia was nearly entirely agricultural, with all but 5 per cent of the population making up the peasant class.  And even this huge class had its earlier rights completely taken from it over the course of the 1600s and 1700s – as the farmers were increasingly restricted in their ability to move about in the quest for better working conditions, being locked into place by law under landlords given increasingly absolute control over their lives.  Thus gradually step by step they were turned into the semi-slave category of "serf" ... at a time when West Europe was moving in the opposite direction, gradually freeing up their serfs and recasting them as free (peasant) farmers. But the Napoleonic wars made very clear the dangers to Russia created by this archaic social system.  There was no question of loyalty of the serfs to their tsar, Alexander I ... though their attitudes to their landlord noblemen was a different matter (revolts were frequent).  They worshiped the tsar.  But the tsar needed more than worship.  He needed a society with a strong industrial economy and a national army of some modern (i.e., educated) sophistication.  He had neither. Nicholas I (1825-1855) Alexander died suddenly in late 1825, just as the spirit of military revolt was gathering momentum.  His younger brother Constantine had no desire to become tsar and stepped aside for the even younger brother Nicholas ... upsetting the reformist soldiers who went into full revolt in December at the news, thus the "Decembrist Revolt."  Nicholas crushed the Decemberists, setting the stage for the rest of his repressive reign.  One of the goals of the Decembrists had been the ending of serfdom ... consequently making the reform of serfdom one of the main objects of Nicholas’ wrath for the duration of his reign.  Constantly fearing reformist movements, he tightened censorship of the press ... and cut back on national education at both the local and university level, driving Russia even deeper into intellectual darkness. The backwardness of Russia finally registered itself fully during the Crimean War ... when it seemed that all of Europe was lined up against Nicholas.  In short order not only did his huge military apparatus disintegrate but his civil government itself seemed to collapse in corruption.  In the midst of the conflict he died of pneumonia ... though there were rumors of suicide. Alexander II (1855-1881) Nicholas’s son Alexander II quickly reversed course and headed Russia down the path of reform in order to bring the country into the modern era.  In 1861 he authorized the emancipation of the serfs, then moved to give Russia a more systematic legal system and a new judicial system to supervise it, encouraged local self-government with his zemstvo system, brought educational reform back into play ... and instituted universal military training and service.  His goal was completely pragmatic, the strengthening of the social foundations of Russia in the new modern era, and not particularly idealistic, for he proved to be just as repressive as his forebears when it came to organized attempts to oppose his rule.  Indeed, when Polish patriots rose up in 1863 against Russian rule, Alexander responded by ending Poland’s separate status (Alexander was Polish king as well as Russian tsar) and simply incorporated the Polish territory into Russia.  Nonetheless, he was still at work trying to reform Russian politics in order to make it acceptable to reformist interests when he was assassinated (1881). 4From the Greek – αuτόu (auto) meaning "self" and κράτωρ (krator) meaning "ruler" or "governor" – someone given the power to make political decisions independently or by his own authority. After numerous attempts on his life, the nihilist Norodnaya Volya ("People's Will) assassins succeeded in bombing Alexander's imperial train ... in the hopes of starting a revolution. THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR ... BUT SUBSEQUENT RISE TO INDUSTRIAL GREATNESS The issue of slavery At the time of the creation of the American Constitution, the issue of slavery and how slaves were to count in deciding representation in the House of Representatives had put a strain on the relations among the new states, divided on this issue within the new union largely on a north-south basis.  Southern culture with its semi-feudal instincts had come to depend heavily on slave labor ... but knew somehow it was morally wrong.  Optimists claimed that it would simply wither away by itself as an institution over time.  Some went so far as simply to free their slaves ... usually as part of their will at death (Washington, for instance; however, because of his huge debts, Jefferson did not).  Indeed, one of the last acts of the wartime Continental Congress before it turned power over to the new Federal Congress in 1789 was to designate the territories northwest of the Ohio River over to the French colonial border along the Mississippi River to be forever free of slavery. But the acquiring of new lands beyond the Mississippi with the Louisiana Purchase from France in 1803 stirred the slavery issue to new life.  Southerners, whose cotton farming had exhausted the land, were as interested in the territory west of the Mississippi as were the northern farmers.  Southerners fought to keep the new territories open to slavery ... and won the idea in principle with the Missouri Compromise of 1820.  Entrance of new territories into the Union as full states would occur in such a way that for every "free" state brought in, the South would be entitled to enter a "slave" state ... thus keeping a balance in numbers of free and slave states in the Senate.   At this point the issue for Southerners was no longer a question of when slavery might be ended (as it had elsewhere in the Western world) but how it might be protected ... and even be justified morally.  Biblical testimony at this point was brought in to prove that somehow slavery was even part of God’s intentions.  The North of course was horrified at this misuse of holy scripture.  Thus a deep moral divide, as well as an economic lifestyle divide, deepened further a growing political-cultural split separating the North and the South. Bleeding Kansas In 1854 the decision to split the Nebraska territory into two states, Nebraska in the North and Kansas in the South, brought the issue to the boiling point.  Nebraska would clearly become a free state.  But the idea of then making Kansas a slave state brought such an angry reaction from Northerners that the decision was made to let the people of Kansas decide their status themselves.  This was the signal of both sides to send masses of settlers to Kansas to weigh the outcome in their favor ... producing in Kansas itself a scene of bloody violence between armed defenders of one group of settlers against the other. Soon the entire country was caught up emotionally over this bitter issue. A slave auction in Charleston Pro-slavery "Border Ruffians" executing "Free State" (anti-slavery) Kansans - May 1858 The Lincoln-Douglas debates (1858) The nation watched closely the debates in Illinois between Abraham Lincoln and Stephen Douglas as they competed for a U.S. Senate seat.  The leading U.S. Senator of the day, Douglas, pressed for tolerance on the slavery issue; the rising Lincoln was certain that slavery would destroy the Union if it were not abolished.  Douglas won the election ... but Lincoln won the heart of the new Republican Party ... which two years later nominated him for the presidential race. Lincoln ... the man Lincoln was vastly more the man than his Republican Party opponents (at first) believed him to be – supposing him to be just some kind of "country boy."  Thankfully for America, Lincoln was a truly great leader, understanding deeply the importance of long-term grand strategy – when the political world around him could think only in terms of immediate tactics. Previous presidents had merely kicked down the road the can of the increasingly divisive slavery issue ... for those that came after them to deal with.  The political cost of bringing the matter to a solution was just something previous presidents could not stomach. But Lincoln knew God had called him to bring this horrible issue to full resolution ... if the God-ordained Union (which Lincoln talked about frequently) were to be saved.   Indeed, he drew closer and closer to God as the contest dragged on, depending on God's counsel – and most frequently, God's counsel alone – in directing what was becoming the bloodiest contest that the country had ever seen (or seen even since then!). Tragically, not achieving immediate success in their efforts to bring matters to a resolution, the will of those around him (including his wife) to press forward in the face of this challenge faltered badly.  Why not just give it up ... and let the South go its way? The war itself (1861-1865).   The war was dragging on year after year, with Lincoln changing commanding generals one after the other because of their rather unexceptional service.  Consequently, the North was tiring of the war ... and it took the incredible will of Lincoln not to call it quits and simply let the South slip away.   Very sadly for the multitudes who died or were gravely wounded in military service – with little to show for their supreme sacrifice – it took Lincoln over two years to find military leaders (Ulysses S. Grant and William Tecumseh Sherman) who understood that wars are not won by great battles ... but only by the wearing down of the enemy's resolve to continue.  And that, not just a grand battle here and there, would take many battles – and very unpleasant measures – to bring to actual victory. Ulysses S. Grant  William Tecumseh Sherman The war was largely a defensive one for the South, more easily understandable and thus easier to conduct ... thus defensive except in the one instance when Southern General Robert E. Lee invaded the North – but was soundly defeated at the Battle of Gettysburg (July 1963) in Pennsylvania.  This Northern victory certainly picked up the wearied spirit of the North ... though not greatly. "Victory" was not yet in the picture ... until General Grant took over the Northern forces.  At this point Lee discovered that he was up against an opponent who, though not a brilliant tactician, was a relentless bulldog that was determined to push the South relentlessly ... to the point of exhaustion.  And that point came at Appomattox in April of 1865.  The South finally had to bow in total defeat.  The Union was saved ... and the issue of slavery was finally resolved. Lincoln's famous 2nd Inaugural Address (1865) With that victory in the making, Lincoln was faced with the challenge of putting the Union back together as a truly unified community ... bringing former slaves into the full responsibilities of citizenship, and re-integrating into the community those who had fought so hard to preserve that slavery.  Lincoln – and the country – would need God's help ... as Lincoln made very clear in his new inaugural address, issued in taking up his second term as U.S. president. It is well worth quoting ... for he stated very clearly the moral-spiritual challenge facing the nation – the likes of which has not been heard from an American presidential leader ever since ... for it was very much more than just a fine speech.  It was a sermon to a hurting nation: ... Neither party expected for the war, the magnitude, or the duration, which it has already attained.  Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with, or even before, the conflict itself should cease.  Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding.  Both read the same Bible, and pray to the same God; and each invokes His aid against the other.  It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces; but let us judge not that we be not judged.  The prayers of both could not be answered; that of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has His own purposes. He then explained that slavery was one of those offenses against God that God would allow – but only until such time as he was ready to exact his judgment, through the terrible war they had been experiencing. If we shall suppose that American Slavery is one of those offences which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South, this terrible war, as the woe due to those by whom the offence came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a Living God always ascribe to Him?  Fondly do we hope – fervently do we pray – that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away.  Yet, if God wills that it continue, until all the wealth piled by the bond man's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash, shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said the judgments of the Lord, are true and righteous altogether. He concluded: With malice toward none; with charity for all; with a firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan – to do all which may achieve and cherish a just, and a lasting peace, among ourselves, and with all nations. Lincoln is assassinated Then tragically, Lincoln was shot and killed only a couple of weeks later by a Southerner who thought he was doing the defeated South a great favor in taking down their primary adversary.  With that bullet, any thought of a much-needed cultural-moral reconciliation between the North and the South disappeared. Equally tragically (for both North and South), those that came after Lincoln had neither the moral courage nor the political leverage to move the country forward to Lincoln's plan for restored national unity.  Instead, Congress's Radical Republicans undertook self-righteous measures designed to keep former Confederates powerless, measures which merely drove the country more deeply into a political-moral standoff.  This would do neither North nor South any good.   For more on The American Civil War Union artillery at the Battle of Yorktown -1862 Union troops prior to the third battle with the Confederates at Fredericksburg - 1863 Confederate dead at Mary's Heights overlooking Fredericksburg - 1863 Efforts to impeach the new president In accordance with this new moral self-appointment of the Radicals, impeachment charges were leveled at President Andrew Johnson (the former vice president) in an effort to remove him from power … because he was considered too soft on the South – when he tried to follow Lincoln's efforts to reunite politically the South with the North, rather than punish the South. The use of the impeachment instrument was designed for very exceptional circumstances (a president actually committing a serious federal crime) rather than just for political purposes.  This was its first use … though hardly over a criminal matter.  This was simply very bad political morality in action.  Thankfully, the effort to chase Johnson from office would fall just short of the necessary two-thirds vote of the Senate.  But it would leave Johnson powerless as president thereafter. Leaders of the Radical Republicans, Thaddeus Stevens (above) and Charles Sumner (below) ... who led the anti-Johnson impeachment efforts This powerful political tool would not be put to use again until a century later (the effort to drive Nixon from the White House) … and then – most tragically – would become part of Congress's political weaponry used quite frequently by the president's political opposition in Congress … a sign of the moral decline of Washington politics.  But more about that later! But peace weakened the resolve of the North to press the South to implement full equality for all of its citizens, Black as well as Whites.  And in subtle ways the South found ways of putting Southern Blacks under complete political, economic and cultural restraint ... leaving a huge social problem yet unresolved. The after-effects of the war However, peace ultimately weakened the resolve of the North to continue to press the South to implement full equality for all of its citizens, Black and White.  And in subtle ways the South gradually found ways of putting Southern Blacks back under complete political, economic and cultural restraint ... leaving a huge social problem yet unresolved. But at this point, the North was busy with its attention focused elsewhere, opening more lands for settlement along the Western frontier and continuing the rapid development in the East of the American industrialization that the war had promoted heavily.  The South meanwhile sunk back into its semi-feudal ways, with the old families still dominating life from behind the political scenes and with a resentful population of poor Whites determined to keep Southern Blacks fully oppressed.  Thus the opportunity produced by the Civil War to bring the South into harmony with Northern democratic and egalitarian ideals was lost ... for a full century. But the social scene in the North was not all that serene either.  The frontier with the Indians was closing … and there was no more good, cheap land for the expanding Anglo population to move to.  The squeeze was on for younger sons to find a way to make their own fortunes … with most of them having to move to the urban-industrial East to find employment in the mines and manufacturing plants, where salaries barely covered life’s most basic expenses.  This occurred at the same time that multitudes of immigrants were leaving Europe behind to come to America in the search for the same manufacturing and mining jobs.  Anglo America balked at how this was changing the country from a largely rural nation to one where urban life was fast taking the social lead ... and with all sorts of inhabitants (and corrupt political bosses and urban governments) that made urban America feel "foreign."   America’s rise as an industrial giant But this was also indicative of the deep changes going on within the American economy.  America continued to possessive vast wealth in its extensive farmlands and its multitude of small rural towns.  And America’s huge railroad and shipping infrastructure made for an extremely efficient and powerful market for agricultural goods.  But its cities were also amassing great wealth as they turned to the manufacture of a vast array of new machines that greatly energized the American economy … and the mining of iron, coal and even oil to answer the voracious appetites for raw materials of these mammoth manufacturing operations.  Indeed, so great was the industrial growth of America during this time that by 1914 and the outbreak of the European ‘Great War’ (World War One), America alone produced one-third of the world’s total industrial wealth … more than Britain, Germany and France combined. The "captains" (some would say "robber barons") of American industry Behind this growth was not a government (as in Europe, mostly) but a small group of powerful individual capitalists, who developed the ability to gather vast sums of money to undertake industrial investment a massive scale.   Cornelius Vanderbilt grew a business from a small ferry service (from New Jersey to New York City) by the mid-1800s to a massive steamship corporation … and then combining a number of railroad companies operating into the New York Central Railroad.5  Competing with him in the 1870s were Jay Gould and James Fisk … attempting a similar hold over much of the East’s railroad business.  Then there was Andrew Carnegie who came from Scotland to America in 1848 as a youth, taking whatever jobs he could to pay the bills … but advancing himself by teaching himself new skills that caught the attention of American businessmen, which in turn led him into deep investment in the steel business – until he became by the end of the 1800s the owner and director of America’s largest steel-producing operation. This is turn was bought out by the most powerful banker in American history, J.P. Morgan … who went on to build a vast financial-industrial empire … that was called on twice (1895 and 1907) by America’s presidents to save the country from economic collapse.  Then there was indeed the richest man in American history, John D. Rockefeller, who started small in the oil business (originally focused on making the kerosene that would replace the whale oil lamps used in all American homes) that came at one point (the 1870s) to control 90% of America’s oil industry … before his business was forced in 1911 by the Supreme Court to break itself into 34 independent and thus competing oil companies – under the impetus of America’s "antitrust" crusade that broke out exactly because of Rockefeller’s monopolistic position in this vital industry.  Nonetheless Rockefeller would remain America’s wealthiest man in its history. 5By this time, he had made himself into the second richest man in American history! Vanderbilt Carnegie Morgan Rockefeller THE THIRD REPUBLIC OF FRANCE With Napoleon III’s capture by German troops in the battle of Sedan, French government simply melted away.  Hearing the news of his capture a Paris mob descended on the French Assembly demanding the formation of a new republic.  It was assumed that this would rally the French and reverse the direction the war was going.  But stunningly quickly the German troops were able to march on and surround Paris.  Léon Gambetta was able to escape the encirclement (hot air balloon) and organize a new French army.  But at Metz another huge French army was forced to surrender ... and Gambetta’s forces were unable to break the German encirclement of Paris. A French Provisional Government was formed in the south of France at Bordeaux to try to carry on French government ... and secure peace terms with Germany.  But the delegates that gathered were hotly divided as to what shape the new government should take.  Only about a third of the members were in favor of a republic.  The others favored the restoration of the monarchy ... but were hotly divided as to whether the new king should be a Bourbon or an Orleanist.   Deadlocked over the monarchy issue, the decision was made simply to stay temporarily with the idea of a new republic (the third such republic) under the presidency of Adolphe Thiers ... until the Bourbon-Orleanist dispute could be settled.6  For the time being, peace negotiations were opened up with the Germans and the new National Assembly moved itself to Versailles, just outside German-encircled Paris. The Paris Commune Meanwhile in Paris itself, conditions were breaking down as the population ran out of food and medicine.  Anger developed quickly in Paris over the "betrayal" of the new government which had failed them in war and seemed to be ready to impose a monarchy over them in peace.  When soldiers were sent into Paris to secure cannon lest they fall into the hands of the Paris mob, they were fiercely resisted ... and the street barricades went up announcing Paris's refusal to acknowledge the new Versailles government.  Instead rebel leaders declared Paris to be an autonomous Commune (late March 1871) ... defended by Paris’s own National Guard.  France had fallen into civil war. The next six weeks proved to be bloodier than had been the war against the Germans, as French national troops fought their way into Paris defended by members of the Paris National Guard.  The "Bloody Week" of May (21-28) saw much of Paris burned and countless thousands killed in battle and even executed in surrender.  Eventually the Commune was suppressed ... with 30,000 people having been killed, countless others wounded and perhaps 50,00 executed or imprisoned ... 7,000 of those exiled to the prison colony of New Caledonia in the Pacific.  Thousands of other communards were able to escape from France to Switzerland, Belgium and England. 6Interestingly, the "temporary" Third Republic would last from 1870 all the way up until 1940 ... when Hitler forced France to submit to German authority ... leaving only a smaller "French State" at Vichy to govern the South of France (1940-1944). Some of the "Communards" rebelling against the French government Blockades (made up of street paving stones mostly) set up in Paris to defend the Commune Forces defending the French government Some of the destruction involved in  crushing the Commune   The Hôtel de Ville (Paris's Town Hall) after the crushing of the Commune The struggles of the new Third Republic Eventually the Third Republic was able to work its way past the divisions among the monarchists to draw up a new constitution (1875) which provided for a national President, a Chamber of Deputies elected by universal manhood suffrage and a Senate whose members were in part appointed for life and the rest selected by various regional electoral colleges.  As it turned out, the Chamber was strongly republican in character and the Senate monarchist ... though the Chamber itself was always divided among small political groups of one or another ideological bent or just personal loyalty to some particular political figure.  Consequently, French politics during the Third Republic would remain unsteady ... yet held together at a higher level by a burning sense of French nationalism.   Go on to the next section:  Western Imperialism   Miles H. Hodges