1. AMERICA'S COLONIAL FOUNDATIONS
|
THE
TWO
DISTINCT CULTURAL MOTIFS SHAPED BY THE LARGER SOCIAL DYNAMICS OF THE
TIMES |
The first of these is the Southern or Virginia tradition, first laid out in 1607 with the founding of the English settlement at Jamestown (Virginia). The second of these is the Northern or New England tradition laid out fifteen to twenty years later (1620s and 1630s) in Plymouth and Boston (Massachusetts), Providence (Rhode Island), and Hartford (Connecticut).
Both settlements, Virginia and New England – which were quite different from each other in cultural character and consequently in political design as well – were shaped deeply by the two different European social contexts from which they were drawn. Both settlements came out of a long-standing Christian social cultural tradition. But that Christian tradition itself was highly divided, even by war.
The Southern colony of Virginia was profoundly reflective of the feudal system
which, functioning under the direction of the priestly officers of the
Christian Church and a variety of kings, princes, and dukes acting as
defenders of the Christian faith, had for centuries directed a
basically agrarian European society. As a typical feudal society in
which the hard working many were commanded by the leisured,
aristocratic few, Virginia was founded on the secular quest for wealth
and social status measured by the size of someone's landholding and the
number of people working that land for the landowner: the more land
owned and the more servants working the land, the higher the social
status of the landowner.
All of this was considered Christian because the
understanding was that such a hierarchical system was something that
God himself had ordained, from the aristocratic few at the top of this
Christian social order down to the many common laborers, even
permanently indentured (ultimately enslaved) workers at the bottom of
this same order. The key function of the Christian Church was to
morally/spiritually authorize and protect exactly this strict
hierarchical social order against all forces attempting to disintegrate
it.
On the other hand, the Northern colonies of New England were deeply reflective
of the rising urban-industrial society and culture that had been
emerging along Europe's Mediterranean, Atlantic, and Baltic coastlines
... where an ambitious commercial/industrial spirit posed a profound
challenge to Europe's older rural feudal system. In full support of the
Protestant religious reform challenging all of traditional feudal
Europe in the early 1600s, the New England colonists had decided to
take their reform efforts to America, seeking to establish there the
right to live as God directed – not as man, not even kings or bishops,
directed. cted – not as man, not even kings or bishops,
directed.
The key distinguishing features of this New England social order were 1) the deep sense of equality of all members of society, because ultimately all people were equal in the sight of God; 2) the responsibility of everyone to embrace fully the toil (hard work) in God's vineyard necessary to make this Godly society succeed; 3) the understanding that those who took the responsibility to guide this society (its religious and civil officers) were servants – not owners – of this society, regularly elected to office by its members (and recalled by them if need be), and therefore not constituting some permanently privileged social class or group; 4) the moral and spiritual guidance of each community by means of the careful examination and presentation by highly educated pastors of God's Word to that community, their preaching to serve as the social-moral foundation of this new social order; and 5) the understanding that the English community they purposely set up in the New World was intended to be a social model for all the world, demonstrating how it is that God expects everyone to live.
This dual profile of Virginia and New England not only divided America into two cultural-spiritual camps from the very outset of the colonization effort, it would lead the country in the mid-1800s into the violent conflict we know as our Civil War (1861-1865). And elements of this same cultural-spiritual divide, though no longer geographic, grip America even today.
WESTERN CULTURE AND THE WORLD |
JEWISH, GREEK, AND ROMAN CULTURAL CONTRIBUTIONS |
As with all cultures, Western
or Christian culture is a unique blend of various contributing
sub-cultures, ones however which combined around the idea of the
importance of the sovereignty of the individual. This is partly a
Jewish idea, partly a Greek idea, and partly a Roman idea, into which
Jesus came to sum up the idea of the sovereign individual. Each
of these sub-cultures helped to develop that key idea. And so it
would profit us greatly in coming to an understanding of the deeper
character of our Western civilization if we took a closer look at each
of these contributing sub-cultures. And it is most logical to
start with the earliest, and in a way the most determinative, of these
ancient sources: Judaism.
The Jewish contribution to Western culture.
Anciently, Israel (of which the Jews were the southern-most of the 12
tribes) at one point went at life pretty much like all the other
nations of the day. Their capital city, Jerusalem, possessed not
only royal palaces but also a Temple, where – under the leadership of
the Levitical priests – they performed animal sacrifices in worshiping
their god Yahweh.
But in becoming a
rich and successful people, the Israelites soon fell away from their
devotion to Yahweh, who then abandoned them to the folly of their own
political planning and operating. They became reckless in their
messing with the growing powers of the Egyptian Empire to the south of
them and the Assyrian Empire to the East of them. If they had
been wise, they would have stayed out of the growing struggles between
these two neighboring empires, for this was not God's plan for
them. And they had prophets who warned them of the dangers of
such foolish involvement in the larger political battles going on at
the time. Eventually Israel got itself in trouble with Assyria,
and the cruel Assyrians marched ten of the twelve tribes of Israel off
to captivity, where they scattered the Israelites among the peoples of
their empire, and soon much of the Israelite identity simply dissolved,
never to recover again.
However, the
Southern Israelite kingdom, basically made up of the tribe of Judah
(thus the Jews) had more wisely stayed out of these political doings,
and Assyria left them alone. But such wisdom did not pass on (as
so often happens) to a new generation of Jews, who got mixed up in the
struggles between Egypt and the newly rising power of Babylon, which
had just succeeded in overthrowing Assyrian power. Finally now it
was the Jews turn – at least their leading citizens – to be carted off
to Babylon.
But by the grace of
God, the Babylonians let the Jews at least remain together as a
community in captivity. Thus the Jewish identity was not
lost. But still, as a people's religion defined the very nature
of their societies back then (and still today) they were in a bit of a
quandary. The Babylonians would not let them build in Babylon a
temple to their god Yahweh (the one in Jerusalem in fact had just been
torn down by the Babylonians), and thus it seemed at first that there
would be no way for those relocated to Babylon to hold onto to their
unique social identity.
But they did have
one very precious item that they could cling to, which would serve to
keep them mindful of their existence as a distinct people: their
own tribal narrative – a history of their tribal ancestors and their
relations with their god Yahweh, a story which reached all the way back
to what they understood as the very beginning of humankind
itself. There in Babylon incredible religious scholarship would
develop under the guidance – not of the (unemployed) temple priests,
but instead by religious teachers or rabbis, who collected this
far-reaching narrative and turned it into a piece of holy writing,
something that the members of the Jewish community could study,
meditate on, and be guided by socially. And they could do so
wherever they found themselves, even there in Babylon. All they
needed was some kind of community center, the synagogue, where they
could gather locally on a regular basis (at least weekly on the
Sabbath) and hear a teaching – usually some form of commentary on their
holy Scriptures – presented by their teachers (rabbis) and elders.
And it was all very
democratic, in the way that all young men were expected to demonstrate
– as a rite of passage into manhood – the ability to perform this kind
of rabbinical Biblical study and teaching. In a way it was an
early version of the "priesthood of all believers"!
This also gave the
Jews the idea that they served the interests of God in the broader
realm of humankind, for they were led now to understand that God was
not just a Jewish God, but was the God of all people, Babylonians,
Egyptians, and everyone else. And as a special covenant-people of
God's own choosing, they had the larger responsibility of bringing
their awareness of God's role in life to all the people, non-Jews as
well as Jews. Thus they became quite active in Babylonian
affairs, as a "people of God," a "Light to the Nations."
Eventually the
Persians conquered the Babylonians, and allowed the Jews then to return
to their lands in Israel. But most chose to remain behind in
Babylon and continue their special lives there (Babylon and then Persia
would continue to serve as a key center of Jewish scholarship and
religious activity). Those that did return to Jerusalem naturally
rebuilt their Temple. However, they did not let go of the Jewish
spiritual practices developed during their Babylonian captivity, but
instead kept Jewish life active around the local synagogues, under the
leadership of the rabbinical scholars. And that would continue
all the way down to the time of the Roman Empire, and the arrival of
Jesus. In fact, it still continues to this day, wherever the Jews
find themselves in this world of ours!
Greek (more specifically, Athenian) "Democracy."
"Democracy" is a term used today by Americans to describe what it is
that they understand America to be in its very essence – unfortunately
not always with the clearest understanding of what is involved with
such a concept or social identifier. But it is a powerful idea
nonetheless, made somewhat dangerous at times because, unlike the
Founders of the American Republic over two hundred years ago who
understood the possibilities and dangers both of the idea of democracy,
to Americans today it has become something like a religion in itself.
Most Americans know
that the idea of democracy was a political legacy given Western
Civilization by the ancient Greeks (500s-300s BC). Actually it
was practiced widely around the ancient world, and not just in Greece –
developed out of the need of tribal peoples, generally everywhere, to
consult with clan or household elders whenever an important decision
affecting the tribe had to be made: when to hunt, when to go to war,
when to make a physical move. It was necessary to get every clan,
every household of the tribe on board with the decision – for unity of
purpose was essential to the survival of the tribe. Thus
democratic consultations would continue until some kind of general
agreement was possible prior to taking action with respect to the event
in question.
Thus it was that the
very ancient or early city-state Athens was quite reliant on the
democratic process of holding meetings to discuss common matters – and
have an affirmative vote from the participants in order to move things
forward.
But when the
population of Athens began to grow, participation of all Athenian
citizens in such decisions became problematic. There simply were
too many people involved to conduct such business in an orderly
fashion. Consequently, small groups of people – especially ones
that could claim a longer line of Athenian ancestry – would tend to
take control, turning themselves into something of a ruling
class. And the xenoi (foreigners) not born of Athenian ancestry,
who were even more numerous than the Athenian citizenry, had no place
at all in this process, not to mention the slaves, who outnumbered even
the xenoi.
Unsurprisingly, as
class distinctions developed, so did class conflicts. Several
efforts were made to improve the democratic process (a toughening of
political requirements under Draco (thus the term "Draconian,"
something very brutal as social measures typically go), countered a
generation later by Solon – who attempted a fairer distribution of
responsibilities and rewards. However, this did not make a huge
difference in the Athenian political lineup. Finally, in
reaction to Peisistratus' tyrannical rule (a "tyrant" was actually
originally a strong-handed defender of the rights of the poor) and the
rising danger of mounting Persian power to the East, the popular
politician Cleisthenes was led to reform the constitution by simply
re-classifying the Athenians into ten residential or neighborhood
"tribes" and having these tribal districts represented at the Assembly
by citizens chosen by lot. Fair enough! And thus it was
that Athens affirmed itself as a "representative" democracy.
For a time this
reform, plus the mounting danger of an aggressive Persia taking control
in the eastern Greek lands of Ionia, brought unity to the Athenian
population, bringing even the Greek city-states to amazing unity under
Athenian leadership. It even forced Athens' chief political rival
in Greece, Sparta, to cooperate with Athens militarily. And this
unity finally allowed the Greeks to defeat the Persians at Marathon
(490 BC) and Salamis (480 BC).
From this point on
(the mid-400s BC) Athens took on the position as Greece's leading
city-state, particularly when other city-states agreed to send funding
to Athens to support the unified Greek defenses of the new Delian
League against a resurgent Persia.
And this marked the
"Golden Age" of Athens, under the capable political leadership of
Pericles (excellent orator, statesman and general) during the period
from the mid-400s BC to his death in 429 BC, a time in which Athens was
also producing the historical insights of Herodotus (to about 424 BC),
the creative works of the dramatists Euripides and Sophocles (to 406
and 405 BC respectively) and the outstanding philosophy of Socrates (to
his death in 399 BC).
But moral problems
within Athens itself had begun to mount during that same period.
Peace had brought not democratic nobility of spirit, but a new
greediness, stoked by the political self-interests of a series of
leading Assembly speakers, clever Sophists or "wise ones," able to
convince – through the most clever use of "reason" – the
representatives of the people to do the most unwise, most
self-destructive things, merely because it played to the interests of
one or another of these "demagogues."
For instance, the
demagogues led the Assembly to the decision to use the money sent by
the other city-states to Athens for Greek mutual defense instead to
simply beautify Athens itself (new buildings, improved streets, grand
statuary, etc.), despite the protests raised by its Greek allies.
Ultimately these other city-states would look to Sparta to champion
their cause against an increasingly greedy Athens, and ugly war
resulted.
How stupidly selfish
Athenian democracy had become. And the Athenian representatives
would also foolishly ostracize (expelling for ten years) Athens' very
best military leaders – actions inspired by jealous Assembly
speakers. What was this democratic body thinking? All
of this helped lead to Athens' ultimate defeat in a series of
Peloponnesian Wars (the second half of the 400s BC).
Thankfully Sparta
ignored the demands of its city-state allies (Thebes, Corinth and
others) to enslave the defeated Athenian population, but resolved
instead simply to tear down Athens' city walls, leaving the city
defenseless militarily from that point on (404 BC). This was the
beginning of the end of Athenian greatness.
But the foolishness of Athens' democratic Assembly did not end there. In 399 BC, the
wisest philosopher of the ancient world, Socrates, was voted the death
penalty by the democratic Assembly – because he annoyed Assembly
speakers by calling into question the wisdom of their words and
behavior.
In sum, democracy Athenian-style had led that society down a very self-destructive road.
Socrates' pupil
Plato tried to find a better approach to political wisdom by developing
in a key philosophical work, Politeia (commonly known by its Latin
name, Republic) his own idea of what a well-run society should look
like. But the success of such a venture depended entirely on the
wisdom of the leading politician, not the wisdom of the people (which
Plato doubted was obtainable anyway).
This would be the
beginning of the tendency of intellectuals to design from their desks
beautiful societies, or "utopias" (a Greek word meaning literally
"nowhere"!) – built entirely on their own powers of rational planning,
and not on the basis of actual human experience (which tends to be not
very pretty much of the time).
But Plato would have
the rare opportunity as an intellectual to discover how well his ideas
actually worked, when he was invited by the young tyrant of Syracuse,
Dion, to put his philosophy to work there. The end result when
Plato faced political reality was total disaster for Syracuse (20 years
of chaos under the social breakdown that his experiment ultimately
produced) and Plato's own arrest, imprisonment and sale into slavery,
which he was finally purchased out of by a sympathetic fellow
philosopher.
Plato's own student,
Aristotle, was more cautious in his approach to political design,
actually studying historically various patterns of social
governance. In his famous works, Politics, he stated that on the
basis of his research, the measure of good or bad in a society and its
government appeared to depend not on the constitutional form of
government itself – whether a government was made up of one (as in a
monarchy) or a few (as in an aristocracy) or the many (as in a
democracy) – that is, not by how many ruled, but by how morally they
ruled. A rule of one could be good – or bad – depending on the
moral quality of the ruler. A rule of the many could be good – or
bad – as for instance a rule by an enlightened citizenry would be
considered good, whereas rule by a frenzied mob would most definitely
be viewed as some perverse form of popular tyranny. Thus to
Aristotle, "good" or "bad" depended not on how many ruled but how well
the society was ruled by its own high moral standards. Failure to
hold to its foundational standards would soon enough bring any society
to ruin.
As we shall see
further on in this narrative, the Founding Fathers of the American
Constitution (1787) were college men, back when college or university
education meant principally a study of the humanities (philosophy,
theology, history, law, and the social sciences). Thus they were
very aware of both the political history of ancient Greece, and the
philosophy of the Greeks, especially Plato and Aristotle. We
shall see more of how this influenced deeply their decision as to how
to build a new Federal system uniting the thirteen newly independent
American states. Full democracy was not their goal. Democracy was
included as part of the dynamic. But they attempted to put it
under the considerable restraint of a constitutional "checks and
balances" system. More about that later.
Alexandrian Greece.
While we are on the subject of ancient Greece, it is important to bring
into the narrative the role that a single individual, Alexander of
Macedon, would play in the development of the ancient world. He
was the son of Philip II of Macedon, the latter a strong warrior who
many of the Greeks had looked to in order to bring Greece out of the
disorder ongoing in that land since the days of the Peloponnesian
Wars. Philip, anticipating a permanent (or dynastic) call to
Greek governance, prepared to have at his side a son, Alexander, well
informed in the ways of the people Philip intended to rule. So he
sent Alexander off to study under the very wise Aristotle. But
Philip was killed in 336 BC, and his 20-year-old son suddenly found
himself at the head of his father's project.
Most amazingly,
Alexander proved to be as much a leader as his father. He was
able finally to assemble the Greeks into some kind of united community,
to take on the powerful Persians directly – in Persian territory itself
this time. There would be no more just sitting passively waiting to
fend off another Persian assault, as had been the pattern
previously. Alexander intended to go at the Persians in their own
world.
He first captured
the lands bordering the Eastern Mediterranean, including even
Egypt. He then swung his army eastward and crushed the Persians'
own efforts at self-defense in 331 BC.
But Alexander had a
roll going, and kept on conquering, deeper into central Asia, and even
down into the Indus River valley. But his soldiers were at this
point exhausted and wanted to go home, or at least back to Babylon, the
former Persian capital, but now theirs as well. Thus he turned
around (however, losing half his men trying to get across the Baluchi
Desert). But back in Babylon, Alexander was himself soon to die
(323 BC), probably his death resulting simply from sheer exhaustion.
Alexander thus left
a huge Greek legacy for his successors to deal with (they ultimately
split Alexander's huge empire into a number of smaller empires).
And it left a lasting Greek cultural imprint on the entire region, not
only in the Eastern Mediterranean but even into the Mesopotamian lands
(principally today's Iraq) and large sections of central Asia.
The importance to Americans of this Alexandrian legacy is that Greek culture was so dominant in the times of Jesus and the first century church that all of Christianity's foundational writings were done in Greek, not the local Semitic language (Hebrew and Aramaic) of the lands where Christianity was birthed, or even the Latin of the then-dominant Roman Empire.
The Roman Republic.
Actually, America long-identified itself as a republic – not as a
democracy. There is a difference. A republic refers simply
to the idea of the actual ownership of a society – not the particular
method by which it goes about the business of being governed. The
word "Republic" comes from the ancient Latin res publica or "thing of
the people." A Republic belongs to no particular ruling dynasty
(such as the kings or emperors), no ruling class, no particular tribe,
sect or socio-economic group within a society. It belongs to all
the people of that society. And for such an
understanding, we Americans are deeply indebted to the Romans, for it
is from them that the concept originated. Under the Romans, their
government or "republic" was originally designed to be a government not
of human wills, whether the will of one person or even the many.
The Roman Republic was intended to be a government of laws, a permanent
body of rules that would describe the order that all Romans were to
live and thrive under – an unshakeable legal order that would continue
forward in a precisely-defined way regardless of whatever personalities
played their assigned parts in this order. A Republic was
intended to be a system of fundamental or unchanging constitutional
laws – not a system governed by the whims of human ambition and
personal political interest, no matter how "rational" these whims might
claim to be. And these laws were supposedly eternally
valid, because they found themselves detailed on 12 bronze tablets (450
BC) posted in the Roman Forum (central market and religious center) for
all to see. And all Romans knew these laws well. This was the key to
Rome's early success in its expansion across Italy, and then across the
Mediterranean world (and Europe north of the Alps as well).
Unlike tribes and nations that have a very hard time bringing conquered
peoples into their social order as fellow members (choosing instead to
enslave them or butcher them on the spot), the Romans offered
participation of those they recently conquered in their society as full
members, provided they were willing to come under Roman law and live
accordingly as Roman citizens. That was not only fair, it was
powerfully effective in developing Rome's wide-spread multi-ethnic
republic. And it created a
powerfully effective socio-economic order. Given their legalistic
mindset, Romans almost instinctively organized the world around them
physically and materially as they conquered it, building roads (still
standing today in many places) to provide rapid communication, troop
movement and ultimately commerce connecting the Roman center to its
outlying territories. Wherever they conquered they planted
military camps (naturally on a perfectly uniform grid pattern!), which
became the heart of new commercial towns which quickly grew up around
these garrisons. They cleared the seas of pirates and kept
marauding tribal raiders from central and east Europe closed out beyond
a well-defended line running from the Rhine River in Germany to the
Danube in the Balkan Peninsula. Consequently, the Mediterranean world
that Rome had "conquered" experienced an unprecedented peace and
prosperity, one that made Rome the very model of civilization itself to
millions of people. Over time, but
particularly during the wars with the Carthaginians (the three Punic
Wars from the mid-200 BC to the mid-100s BC), the Roman Senate had
become the center of all Roman power. It was a club of old Roman
families (the "patricians") joined by a select group of "commoners"
(the "plebeians") of recently acquired wealth, which closed its ranks
against the rest of the Roman common or plebeian citizenry. In
short, the Senate had turned itself into a ruling oligarchy.
Meanwhile rising taxes necessitated by ongoing war, and competition
from the growing amount of slave labor acquired in these wars, were
bringing the more middle-class Roman plebeians to ruin. And yet real
Roman power, especially the power of the Roman military, was built on
the loyal services of these commoners as citizen-soldiers.
Something drastic needed to be done to save Rome from collapse or
revolution. Thus as was the case
for Athens, efforts were undertaken by leading Roman citizens to reform
the system, opening up bitter debate as to exactly how that was to
work. "Reform" invites new forms of reasoning into the older
legal order, reasoning which can go most any way, or at least in the
way of the most powerful of the social groupings within society.
In short, the ancient Roman Constitution proved to be not quite as
permanent or unchanging as a body of laws. Social problems thus
merely increased as various identity groups wielded reason against each
other as Rome sought to upgrade the now-changing constitution.
Tragically, identity politics was overwhelming the constitutional
republic. The Gracchi
brothers, Tiberius and Gaius, as Tribunes (Rome's political officers
representing the interests of the commoner plebeians), attempted
reforms in favor of the plebeians (133-121 BC), which were blocked by a
jealous Senate. The brothers were either clubbed to death by a mob or
forced into suicide in advance of a mob, stirred to action by the
Senate. This brought forward
the military leader Marius (108-100 BC) who tried to use his power to
clean out the corruption in both the military and the massively
expanding Roman bureaucracy. But in the end, he was unable to
stop the Roman fall into deeper "Social War." This in turn led
General Sulla to march his troops into Rome (a highly illegal act),
designed to undercut the plebeian reform party and strengthen the
position of the Senate. Thus Rome came under the first of its
military dictators (82-79 BC) or "emperors" (from the Latin imperator
or military commander). But the chaos only
deepened, especially with Spartacus's slave uprising (73-71 BC).
At this point, the Senate looked completely to the Roman military to
save Roman society. This resulted in the selection of three
generals – Crassus, Caesar and Pompey – to bring Rome back under
control. But instead, it simply put Rome through the process of a
growing political competition among these three military giants.
One last effort was made – by Cicero – to bring Rome back under
constitutional rule. But getting nowhere, Cicero retired from
politics, the last significant spokesman for Roman Republicanism.
Finally, with Caesar coming out on top in the competition among the
generals – by marching his troops on Rome in 49 BC – Rome now found
itself under full military rule. The Republic had just begun its
conversion from Republic to Empire (imperator-ruled). And it would be
Caesar's adopted-son (actually nephew) Octavian "Augustus" Caesar who
would complete the conversion, as he tightened up Roman "Republican"
society just as a general would tighten the ranks of his army.
His absolute hold over Roman society did finally bring about
much-needed social order. But it also ended forever the role of
the Roman commoners in determining the shape and behavior of their
society. Rome was now ruled "from the top down" by a rigidly organized
Roman military imperium. The "Republic" now existed in name only. For a while this
looked as if it had been exactly the right development needed by a
mighty Rome. And this "for a while" was set in place by indeed a
number of very capable Roman emperors – Octavian Caesar, Tiberius,
Vespasian, Domitian, Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius and finally Marcus
Aurelius – who governed the Empire during most of the first two
centuries of the Christian era. But from the death
of Marcus Aurelius in 180 onward, Rome (or its military legions that
actually did the selection of Rome's imperial leadership) seemed unable
to come up with talented leadership. To a great extent this was
caused by the deep infighting that went on among the legions as one or
another legion would promote its own general as Rome's new
emperor. The situation got so bad that in a 50-year period
(running from 235 to 285), constant overthrow or assassinations of
emperors (25 in total!) going on within the higher ranks of the
military caused Rome to tumble into deep moral corruption and social
chaos. And thus did Rome begin its fall from greatness – to the
status of its Republic being no more than a fond memory, actually a
tragic memory.
The Empire replaces the Republic.
But again, such politics – even Republican politics – is not a perfect
thing. It involves people. And people can be very messy to
work with.
CHRISTIANITY ... ITS ORIGINS |
It was Christianity
and its accompanying social order that birthed and then developed
English America politically, economically, socially, etc. – serving as
America's moral-spiritual foundations on which a new American society
was built, even many generations before the establishment of the
American Federal Republic in 1787.
Jesus – the pathway to the Fathership of God.
Jesus the Christ or "Anointed One," as founder of this Christian
religion that was so foundational to American birth and development,
was something of a Jewish teacher or rabbi – except that he did his
teaching out in the open fields as well as in the local
synagogues. He preached a call to come to God personally – like
coming to your own Father (and thus he spoke of God as "Abba" or
"Daddy" in the language of the day) – so familiar in expression that it
shocked proper Jews who thought he was not showing respect to Almighty
God. He preached not only to proper Jews (who anyway thought that
they did not need his advice) but also to the rejects of Jewish society
– and even to non-Jews or Gentiles.
In fact that
broadness of his spiritual reach was the very heart of his ministry,
the demonstration that God as Father was not interested in the various
ways that we humans divide the surrounding world into various identity
groups, ones to be loved and supported and those to be despised and
forcefully rejected. And Jesus's wide-ranging realm of love
included not only tax collectors and women of questionable repute
(major sinners in the Jewish social scheme), but also foreigners such
as a Roman centurion and the despised Samaritans, and even
lepers. And he also had a high regard for the importance of
children, a group of small beings who had not yet earned the right of
high regard or social respect in the thinking of the time (and maybe
still even today). Furthermore, he drew into his closest circle
of friends people of no greater status than that of fishermen.
In short, Jesus was
no practitioner of identity politics. Quite the opposite.
His ministry was a clear demonstration of the fact that our Heavenly
Father made no such human distinctions in his love of humankind.
That was man's own particular failing: to judge others on the
basis of where these others stood in the comparative realm of identity
politics.
Jesus demonstrates the power of such faith.
And just as shocking, Jesus performed signs and wonders or miracles,
calming the storms, performing deep physical healings even of lepers,
raising individuals from death (even as in the case of his friend
Lazarus from the grave itself) – all undertaken to drive home his point
about the importance of getting into a right relationship with God as
Father. With God as personal Father, even the laws of the
physical universe must submit to strong human faith.
Of course people of
reason (they existed back then no less than they do in today's
"scientific" culture) were disbelieving and even hostile to such
demonstrations of Jesus's authority, which he assured others was also –
through the simple power of faith in God as Father – within their reach
as well.
The cross of Jesus Christ.
Ultimately the Jewish political authorities had enough of Jesus's
threat to their well-structured universe1 by way of his miracles and
most unusual street ministry, and had him arrested and turned over to
the occupying Roman governor of the day, falsely accusing Jesus of
encouraging rebellion even against Rome itself – something to get him
to be put away by the cruel Roman device of hanging criminals on a
wooden cross until they died a slow and agonizing death. And so
it came to Jesus.
But then hundreds of
his followers were most certain that he returned (briefly, for 40 days
or so) from the grave and again taught them his gospel (good news)
message before being taken up to Heaven to join the Father at God's
right hand – and by doing so, releasing the Holy Spirit to come among
the people (on the day of Pentecost) in order to continue the work
themselves that Jesus had started.
It is ironic that
the Roman device, the cross – that was intended to force the most
humiliating death as possible on a criminal – would become itself the
very symbol of Christianity. This is because Jesus's death on the
cross was understood by his followers to be an act of cosmic
significance: the blood sacrifice or sin-offering required by the
power of Heaven as the price for entry into eternity. But Jesus
himself was without sin, and so the sins he was paying for in his
self-sacrifice on the cross were not his own. Instead the sins
being paid for by the cross were in fact the sins of the entire range
of humanity.
But how could one man's sacrifice be sufficient to pay for the sins of all humankind? Actually, Jesus was ultimately understood to be not just a mere man – but was fully divine – and thus able, as God himself, to offer himself in sacrifice for the sins of the world. A very loving God had, in essence, offered himself through his Son as the payment for the sins of all mankind – at least for those, anyway, that were willing to put themselves under such divine grace and receive, at the foot of Christ's cross, God's full forgiveness. Furthermore, in doing so, they also received a new, powerful life from the hand of God – without being in any way specially deserving of such favor. In this new life they would live by and through the power of God's own Holy Spirit, to help them take on the challenges of life – including even the challenges presented by their own moral frailties. And they would continue to be fully empowered to meet the particular challenges presented to them individually – and jointly (as members of a Christian society) – until they were to draw their last breath, and at that point, when their work on earth was done, join their Heavenly Father in eternal paradise.
Trinitarianism.
This idea of a loving Heavenly Father, sacrificing on the cross his own
divine Son for the sins of the world, and then empowering those who
accepted for themselves this act of divine forgiveness with the gift of
God's own Holy Spirit – all of this came together as a key belief
system known as Trinitarianism: a single God in three "persons" –
Father, Son, and Holy Spirit.
Unitarianism.
However, receiving the salvation that God himself lovingly offered by
way of Christ's cross turned out not to be such an easy concept to get
over to many people – because it is a more natural instinct of man to
want to earn his own moral credits himself – as a matter of moral
pride. Setting aside that pride and receiving the undeserved
saving grace of God himself just was more than most normal egos could
handle.
Those that could not
or would not rise above the idea of earning moral merits through one’s
own good works argued that Trinitarianism sounded like merely another
version of Dionysian Greek religion or philosophy. Indeed,
members of the Roman world who lived in the predominantly Greek
cultural areas of the Empire were more able to understand and embrace
Trinitarianism. But those of the Semitic world of Syria,
Palestine and Arabia, for instance, refused to embrace Trinitarianism
because it did not conform well to their cultural understanding of
moral behavior and social obligation. But this would also include many
German tribes north of the Roman borders, who did come to accept
Christianity, but also only of the Unitarian variety
Ultimately, as Unitarian Christians, they understood Jesus as a fully human creature – not another form of God while on earth. To Unitarians, Jesus was a human without sin to be sure, which made him a perfect moral example worthy of complete devotion by others – one indeed so perfect in behavior that at his death he was raised in heaven to sit at the right hand of God as God's favored Son. And as far as the notion of an assisting Holy Spirit – Unitarianism found no place in its understanding to include such a concept. That was way too Greek for a Semitic or Germanic mind to grasp.
Trinitarianism
versus Unitarianism would remain an ideological tension that would
reach through the long history of Christianity and its impact on the
larger world – even down to today.
The Early Church.
Those who early took up the "Way" of Jesus the Christ during the first
couple of centuries of the Christian community did so in a rather
typical Jewish way – gathering together regularly at least weekly on
the "Lord's Day" (Sunday), although largely in secret because it was
very dangerous to be a Christian at that time. Here they would
recall the sayings of Jesus, pray together, and just in general
fellowship as mutual followers of Christ.
Efforts were soon
made to bring together for study various narratives about Jesus' life
and ministry (the gospels) – plus letters circulated among the various
churches written by key Christian leaders advising them on the
Christian life, many of these letters written by the Jewish convert,
Paul (formerly Saul). Thus was formed the foundations of the
Christian New Testament, the second part of the Christian Bible,
following the longer Jewish or Old Testament portion of the
Bible. Such writing served not only as the central document that
described Christian life in the years of Christ and immediately
thereafter – but also as a social model instructive for Christians at
all times and for all generations.
Intense Roman persecution.
During those first few centuries, Christianity was not well accepted,
either in its Jewish homeland or in the broader context of the Roman
Empire. It was subject to waves of intense Roman persecution –
not because of its rather un-Roman religious beliefs (Rome was actually
very tolerant of an amazing wide variety of religious beliefs held by
their citizens), but because the Christian religion refused to also
acknowledge the divinity of the Emperor (emperor worship). This
was too drastic a departure from Rome's imperial policies. Thus
the Christians were hunted down ruthlessly, and then put to death for
their refusal to worship the Emperor. This involved even gruesome
public displays of Christian slaughter by wild animals or gladiators,
or anything designed to entertain the Roman spectators.
But ironically,
Christian martyrdom merely became an even more-powerful social force
spreading within the Empire – because of the very quiet bravery of
Christian martyrs undergoing such cruel Roman death. Romans grew
increasingly impressed with Christianity's ability to give its
followers such incredible personal moral and spiritual strength, even
in the face of a most terrible death. Christian morality stood
out glowingly in high contrast to the obvious moral collapse going on
within a darkening Roman Secular/Materialistic imperialist culture.2
1Today
we would term their well-structured universe as one that was
"scientifically ordered." Jesus seemed not to be limited in
his thinking and behavior by such "science."
CHRISTIANITY BECOMES "ROMANIZED" |
At the time,
Christianity was having a huge impact on the Roman Empire, so much so
that the Emperor prior to Constantine, Diocletian, had conducted one of
the cruelest efforts to eliminate Christianity (thereby supposedly
bringing Rome back to good order), but had succeeded no more than the
emperors before him. Then when he died, four imperators competed
for the position as grand ruler of the Roman Empire. In any case, it
would be another ten years before his sole claim to emperorship would
be completed. But nonetheless, in conjunction with an imperial
ally, Licinius, Constantine the next year (313) issued the Edict of
Milan, ending all further persecution of Christianity. Indeed Constantine
even took for himself the title pontifex maximus, making himself also
the religious head of the Roman Empire, and as such began to reorganize
the Christian religion, Roman style. He called conferences with
the bishops or Christian leaders to clear up the clutter of three
centuries of unsupervised religious development, by clarifying the
doctrines (or "creeds" or "confessions"), deciding which of the
considerable body of Christian writings were to be officially
authorized as "canonical," and by developing a huge, bureaucratic
ecclesiastical (church) structure to supervise the life of this
religious community, whose religion had now officially become the
moral-spiritual underpinning of Constantine's Empire. Indeed, before that same century (the 300s) was finished,
subsequent Christian emperors would see that anything that did not fit
into a precise or legalistic definition of Christianity would be
rejected, and ultimately, Roman style, even be suppressed. So it was
indeed that Christianity, under imperial sponsorship, now itself became
the persecutor of any religious deviants within the newly Christian
Roman Empire.
And thus it was that the Christian faith, which
had started out as the source of strength offered the common Roman
citizen in an increasingly depersonalized Roman Republic run by
military authorities no longer personally accountable to the Roman
citizenry, was subsequently stripped of its democratic roots, and
itself became part of the highly authoritarian Roman imperial realm.
However, at the same time, the masses
rather naturally still held close to their hearts certain aspects of traditional pagan
Roman religion – as well as a deep reverence for the Earth Mother cults
that had been brought in earlier from the East along with Christianity.
With the authorities having now outlawed the religious practices in
which the little people once looked for assistance to the patron gods
of old, pagan deities that once presided over family matters, business
matters, travel issues, romance issues, etc., the little people found
that by appealing instead to famous Christian saints, reputed to
possess the same supportive powers as the former pagan gods, they could
satisfy their spiritual-religious hunger. They thus now prayed to the
saints rather than to the old pagan deities for their blessings. There
was nothing Biblical about any of this (this idea did not originate
from Jesus's own teachings, nor those of his original disciples). Yet
the Christian authorities let such worship of the saints stand, because
it seemed to satisfy everyone and seemed somehow to qualify even as
proper Christian practice.
His place in the hearts of the little people
now was taken by Jesus's mother, Mary. She was accessible, she was the
one that you could go to in order to reach the powers of Heaven. Of
course, Mary-worship quickly and easily replaced Earth-Mother worship,
Mary being able to offer a Christian alternative in terms of the same
feminine warmth and hope as the older Earth-Mother (Aphrodite, Isis,
Demeter, Astarte, etc.) cults had formerly offered the little people.
Eventually Mary as Theotokos (Mother of God) basically replaced Jesus as the focal point of common
Christian worship. Under Roman sponsorship, churches, cathedrals and
other centers of Christian worship were dedicated to her honor, rather
than Jesus's. Of course, Mary was mentioned in the Christian Bible, but
never in this central role, one that Biblically belonged only to Jesus.3Then
Christianity's fortunes – and its very character – changed dramatically
when the Roman Emperor Constantine decided in the early 300s not only
to accept Christianity for himself, but also to make it the new
moral-spiritual foundation of the decaying Roman Empire.
One of them,
Constantine, in 312 received a vision in the night before a crucial
battle with a competitor (the latter was equipped with a much larger
legion supporting him), a vision that told Constantine to place the
chi-rho (Greek symbols representing Christ) on their shields,
indicating that they were doing battle for Christ as well as
Constantine. And indeed, the victory of Constantine the next day
was so impressive that it confirmed for him the critical importance of
Christianity, although his familiarity with the religion was rather
shallow at the time.
Likewise, Jesus seemed to slip
away from the grasp of the little people as he became the friend of
emperors, Jesus's primary role now being to certify the rule of
imperial candidates by Jesus's own personal endorsement from Heaven.
That is, Jesus was now Christus Rex (Christ the King), the friend of
the emperors, and too lofty to be approached as personal friend and
savior by mere commoners.
Religious works vs. divine grace.
This Romanization of Christianity would also have a tendency to move
Christianity slowly over the centuries towards Unitarianism – as
salvation or access to heaven depended less and less on God's grace and
the individual's repentance and transformation in being confronted by
that grace – and more and more on the powers of the official Roman
Church to offer salvation to the Christian faithful. The Church
now required regular periodic confessions to a priest (followed up by
certain works performed by the penitent sinner as specified by that
priest), allowing the person to be qualified to receive the holy
sacraments or blessings of the priest in order to help cleanse the
sinner of his or her sins. Thus it was that works slowly took the
place of Divine grace in the way the Church instructed the faithful
concerning the requirements for salvation, and the reward of eternal
life.
But Rome declines in the West anyway.
Not only did Constantine reshape Roman culture by adopting Christianity
as Rome's new moral spiritual foundation, he also moved the political
center of the Empire east, from its original base in Italy to a new
position at the point where the Black Sea empties into the Aegean Sea
(Eastern Mediterranean) – anciently the city of Constantinople (named
after him), today's Istanbul, Turkey. He did so to move his
operations closer to where the political (or more particularly,
military) action was – against the Persians to the East and against the
Germanic tribesmen to the North (the Balkan Peninsula) pressing the
Empire from both directions. But this move of the Imperial
capital east from Latin-speaking Rome to Greek-speaking Constantinople
left the old Italian city of Rome forlorn – pathetically so.
With respect to the Persians, there was little the
Romans could do. The powers of both Rome and Persia were so evenly
balanced that the wars between these two powers simply played back and
forth, brutally. But with respect to the Germans, the solution was
simple: move the Germans westward, into Western Europe where Roman
authority had recently downgraded the importance of that part of the
Empire. Even some of the Germanic tribes (such as the Franks) were
invited to relocate themselves within the boundaries of the old Empire,
in the hope that they might serve as something of a buffer against
other Germanic tribes hungryly eyeing a decaying Roman imperium in the
West. On top of that, Germanic troops (mostly Goths) were being
recruited for service in the Roman legions, to a point by the late 300s
they made up most of the Roman army. How a heavily German-staffed Roman
army was expected to enthusiastically fend off fellow German intruders
was a problem with no very good solution.
Then, by the beginning of the 400s, pressures on the Germanic Goths coming from the
Asiatic Huns in the East, plus a violent reaction of the Romans to the
growing numbers of Goths in their midst, produced an explosive
encounter between the Goths and the Romans ... which did not go well
for the Romans. The Goths attacked the Roman Empire, even in 410
sacking and burning extensively the old capital at Rome (which by that
time was no longer serving even as the Western Roman capital). That was
the signal for other Germanic tribes (principally the Franks,
Burgundians, Visigoths, Vandals, and Saxons) to move into Roman
territory in the West (today's France, Spain, Northern Africa, and
Southwestern England). Tragically, the Romans seemed unable to offer
effective resistance. By the mid-400s, the Roman Empire in the West was
no more.
It is important to remember that these Germans came not to destroy Rome
but to capture the elegance of the once-famous Rome. But there
was very little elegance left to capture at this point. Roman
civilization had simply broken down in the West. Now travel on the
Roman roads became dangerous, leading to a decline of commerce and
trade. Consequently, urban life decayed and eventually
disappeared in most areas of Western Europe. Survival now
depended on the ability of the new tribal societies simply to support
themselves locally from the bounty of the small farms that became the
sole foundation of the Western European economy. Materially an
economic, then social, Dark Age fell upon the West.
3It
is hardly surprising that the founder of Islam, Mohammed, in his
travels (c. 600 A.D.) to the Christian world north of his Arabia, would
get the idea that Mary constituted the third member of the Christian
Trinity (God the Father, Mary the Mother and Jesus the Son!), he heard
so much about the central place of Mary in the Christian faith.
Interestingly, although he would reject the notion of the Christian
Trinity, he would accept the idea of Mary's very special place in the
life of the faithful. 4"Episcopal":
a system of bishops (Greek: episcopos) controlling and directing the
life of the Christian community, from the top down. Thus village
priests were under the authority of the regional bishop, who in turn
was under the authority of the archbishop, who in turn was under the
authority of the Pope (the Bishop of Rome), who then answered to God
alone.
BUT CHRISTIANITY SURVIVES THE ROMAN DECLINE IN THE WEST |
Nonetheless a series of
talented Christian Bishops of Rome, who remained behind in the ancient
capital city, continued to command considerable respect within the
Western Christian community – and slowly came to be recognized as the
head of the Christian Church in the Latin West – eventually gaining the
title "Pope," meaning something like Father – but Father (Papa) above
all other priestly Fathers! Especially notable among these popes were
Leo I (pope, 440-461) and Gregory I (pope, 590-604), who managed to
preserve and strengthen what little remained of Roman or Latin
moral-cultural order in the West.
Indeed, the church of Rome
not only survived the Germanic impact but converted some of the most
important tribes to Trinitarian Christianity5 and restored the city of
Rome to a position of some degree of religious cultural importance – at
least within the West itself.
And there was the British
monk, Patrick, who brought Trinitarian Christianity to neighboring
Druid Ireland in the early to mid-400s. In Patrick's 30-year mission to
the Irish, he established over 300 churches and he baptized over 120
thousand Irishmen. In turn the converted Irish would soon themselves
become Christian missionaries to the Germanic and other Celtic tribes
to the East of them, most notably: Columba (mid-to-late 500s) to
Scotland; Columban (late-500s) to the Burgundians, the Alemanni and
Celtic Gauls on the European continent; and Aidan (mid-600s) to the
Angles, Mercians and East Saxons of Britain.
And there were other such missionaries, monks and priests who acquitted themselves quite honorably along vital moral-cultural lines, especially once the monastic movement had been disciplined by Benedict (early 500s), whose monastic rule was widely honored throughout the West. These monks were sent out among the Germanic tribes to convert them not only to the Christian religion but also to the Roman Catholic political-religious order that accompanied that religion. In many cases the effort by monks pointed only to the first part of the program: the saving of souls. But the popes had more of the second part of the deal in mind.
Ultimately tribes had to
decide where they belonged in the Christian program, on their own as
autonomous Christian tribes, or as components of the larger Western
Christian or Roman Catholic community. Thus, for instance, in 664, a
religious council or "synod" gathered at Whitby (north central
England), where the majority of the delegates voted to end the
self-supporting religious life in England introduced by the Irish monks
who had originally brought Christianity to the kingdom The Synod
decided instead to bring the Northumbrian tribe or kingdom within the
religious realm (and its particular Latin rites) overseen by the Pope
at Rome.
In effect this decision conveyed the idea that the Pope was the
ultimate authority, both religious and political, within Western
Christendom. Of course tribal kings tended to ignore in practice the
moral-legal distinctions of this relationship. But the popes,
especially the more active political popes, were very aware of this
special entitlement they possessed.
5Some
of these tribes, particularly the Goths, were already Christian, though
Unitarian or "Arian" thanks to the missionary effort of Ulfilas and the
leadership of the Gothic chieftain Fritigern in the 300s; Rome was
"Trinitarian" and thus looked on these tribesmen as not yet fully
Christian, and thus in the need of conversion.
THE CHRISTIAN "MIDDLE AGES" |
Then in the late 700s, Europe underwent a dramatic transformation as Charles, King of the Franks, better known to us today as Charles the Great or Charlemagne, came into the European political picture. Charlemagne not only inherited the title of King of the Franks from his father, Pepin the Short (himself son of the powerful Frankish leader, Charles Martel),6 but also succeeded in conquering all the neighboring German tribes in north and central Europe, and even (at the invitation of the Pope in Rome) defeated the powerful tribe of Lombards in Italy. Thus on Christmas day in the year 800, the pope, in recognition of this great military achievement, crowned Charlemagne as emperor, a title not used since the fall of Rome some 350 years earlier.
With this achievement, Charlemagne not only broke the power of the individual German tribes – at least on the European continent7 – but had the Church recognize officially his right to rule much of Europe as his personal property or fief.
However, this fief (Latin: feudom) was a vast piece of territory to rule. Unlike the former Roman Empire, Charlemagne had no well-developed bureaucracy of trained government officials placed around his Empire to rule on his behalf. So, Charlemagne instituted the policy of awarding large sections (fiefdoms or feudatories) of his personal empire to various barons (princes and dukes, etc.) to govern on his behalf, that is, in his name. Charlemagne still held the full title to the land since all of this was now considered his (like private property), his to lease out to others as he saw fit. His tenants or vassals (the princes and barons) in turn owed Charlemagne loyal service in maintaining the peace of the land and providing him troops in case of war. They did not pay taxes because no one, not even the barons, had much by way of money. The obligation of personal service to Charlemagne as their lord was what was required of them.
But even for the barons, the territory they were responsible for was still too big for any one person to govern. So they in turn sub-leased portions of their own lease to lesser land-lords (marquesses and counts, etc.), under the same type of obligation that they owed the emperor: land tenure (land-holding, not land-owning) for various services in return. Thus, although the barons were vassals to the emperor, they were themselves lords to their own set of vassals lower on the feudal scale.
Finally the system reached down to the masses of peasant farmers and their families (actually about 95 percent of the population!), who were allotted land in return for labor service (working their lord's fields and maintaining his flocks) and the requirement that a portion of their harvest or produce be turned over to the local lord and his court of knights and ladies. The peasants themselves owned almost nothing (except maybe their most humble clothing), usually not even the houses they lived in. No money was involved, just the right of a certain amount of landholding and the obligation of certain services in return.
This in short was the feudal system
In theory the emperor was free to extend or take back land rights to whomever he chose, for however long he chose to do so. But over time it became a lot easier for a lord to allow a vassal to pass his land rights on to his sons (or his eldest son only – under the rule of primogeniture that was widely practiced in Europe). After a number of generations, a family would begin to consider this land theirs to have and to hold as they chose. This created difficulties between the lords (such as the European kings) and their vassals (their barons) that were never fully worked out satisfactorily. Some clever dukes were able (through conquest, although most often through marriage) to accumulate sections of land here and there, sometimes at great distances, even under different lords. The Dukes of Normandy, for instance, ended up holding more land of their own than the French kings they were supposedly under (but the Dukes of Normandy were also kings – in England – by their own right).
It could get to be very confusing.
But the principle always remained the same: land, land, land. Social status depended entirely on the amount of land a baron was able to hold. And land tended to stay within the realm of one's family. And thus inheritance (not hard work or industrial cleverness) ruled the status system. A person was born into his or her status, and was carefully married off in accordance with the dictates of that same status system. What possibilities life might bring a person were determined entirely by that person's birth. And so it was. And so long it was that few ever thought that things could be otherwise.
6Charles
Martel (the "Hammer") had made his own great place in history by being
able to stop the spread of Islam into Europe by defeating Muslim forces
at the Battle of Tours (732) in central France. He went on to
establish the Carolingian dynasty ruling France, which Charlemagne was
soon to head up.
7The Saxons and Celts of the British Isles excepted, as they continued to lay outside Charlemagne's conquered territory. Likewise, most of Spain also fell outside Charlemagne’s realm because it remained under Arab-Berber Muslim control, and would do so in part for the next 700 years.
Equestrian bronze statuette
of Charlemagne (900s)
From the Treasury of the
Metz Cathedral (France)
Paris, Musee du
Louvre
Viking blood added to the mixture.
But about the time Charlemagne was bringing Western Europe under this
feudal system, attacks were happening along the edges of his vast
Empire – and across the way even in the British Isles. Northmen
(Normans) or Vikings coming from the Scandinavian North were beginning
to conduct horrible raids on Christian Western Europe – stopping cold
the cultural advance that had almost got up and running with
Charlemagne's social-political revolution. These Viking raids
effectively plunged Christian Europe back into the Dark Ages. However, around the
start of the second Christian millennium (ca. 1000 AD) the barbaric
attacks of the Vikings or Normans slowed up considerably, giving Europe
something of a degree of peace, the first in a long time. Part of
this was due to the settling of the Normans within the communities they
had once raided ruthlessly – the Vikings or Normans adopting both the
local languages and the Christian religion of the people they had
overrun – now becoming as dukes or even kings, protectors of those same
communities – such as French Normandy, the English Danelaw, eventually
England itself (1066), and even places as distant from the North as the
Mediterranean island of Sicily. And in 1095 this
energy would be called on by the Christian Pope to rescue the Holy
Lands from the Muslim Turkish "infidel" who had made Christian
pilgrimage to the Holy sites of the East very difficult, if not even
impossible. The Normans – but also the Germanic kings and
noblemen (as well as multitudes of commoners) – boldly answered the
call to go crusading ("to take up the cross") in the Holy Lands of the
Mediterranean East. The Crusades which
followed over the next two centuries (1100s and 1200s) in turn inspired
two major developments in Christian culture or civilization at the
time. First, it involved the outpouring of a renewed religious
spirit eager to spread the Christian faith to the Muslim lands of the
East. This spirit could be found high and low in Christian
society – although the European feudal nobility of kings and princes
quickly took the lead in the enterprise. But secondly, the
Crusades brought the rather materially primitive Europeans into direct
contact with the East's fabulous wealth, such wealth as Western Europe
had not seen since the fall of Rome many centuries earlier. Not
surprisingly, the Crusaders themselves wanted to participate in that
world of wealth. Some of the Crusader noblemen even settled
themselves amidst the wealth of Islam, establishing Norman kingdoms in
the recently conquered lands of the Middle East – sort of "going
native" – not exactly abandoning their Christian faith, but wanting
very much to combine their Christian world with this higher level of
Muslim material wealth. But this new hunger for material wealth
would include also those crusaders who returned to their kingdoms and
principalities in Europe after having fulfilled their pledges to
crusade for Christ in the East. The Franciscans and Dominicans.
In the early 1200s a spiritual "awakening" was to come to a young, very
wealthy and very brash Francis of Assisi, through both a series of
personal hardships and a mystical call to give his life over to serving
the poor, as Christ himself exemplified. In fairly short order a
much-transformed Francis attracted a large number of other young
Italians to such service, forming something of a monastic community,
which the Pope then forced him to bring under Roman or papal
supervision (lest he be declared a heretic). Out of this the huge
Franciscan movement developed, one that would eventually take
multitudes of Franciscan monks to all corners of the world, and one
that finds Franciscans even today serving the poor both in urban
ghettos and rural villages everywhere. At about the same
time (also the early 1200s) another individual, the Spanish priest,
Dominic de Guzman, began to train Christian teachers in order to
rebuild proper faith in the Church and its Christian ministry.
Here too his new monastic movement (with considerable papal support)
spread rapidly around Europe, as vast numbers of Dominican monks or
"Friars" were sent out to teach and enforce Christian orthodoxy. The rise of urban Europe. Contact with the Muslim East (the
crusades of the 1100s and 1200s) also birthed a new system of wealth
founded not on landholding but on the ability to accumulate mobile
wealth (goods, money, bank credit, etc.). Such wealth, like the feudal
system, could be acquired and passed on to future generations of the
family. But mostly it came as a challenge to each generation to grow
its own wealth in industry and trade – something that feudal
landholding could not do. Land, of course, could be exchanged with, or
seized from, another. But the overall supply of land itself could not
be increased any. However, the money economy had no limits placed on
its ability to expand.
Feudal lords naturally looked down on the
lower-status industrial-financial achievers as mere wannabees, not
really worthy of serious social consideration. In short, feudal lords
were snobs. But monied wealth had its own way of having an impact, even
socially and politically. Kings, who always had troubles with their
much-too-independent-minded barons, found that working with these
industrial entrepreneurs from the rising urban middle class (neither
barons, nor peasants but socially in the "middle") worked to their
great advantage.
Kings were willing to license
industrial groups (grant them charters as corporations or companies) in
return for a tax portion of their monetary earnings or profits, taxes
which allowed kings to hire their own soldiers and purchase their own
arms, rather than be forced to rely on the not very dependable military
services of their barons or lesser lords. Also, with the development of
overseas interests on the part of kings and princes, a navy of fighting
ships had to be constructed at considerable financial cost, something
that only the moneyed classes could fund – but also derive considerable
benefit from as much-needed protection in their trading – something
also that the landed aristocrats of the countryside had nothing to
contribute to or gain from.
Taking advantage of this newly awakened consumer or materialist spirit brought
on by the crusades were a number of port-cities located strategically
along the sea routes that made for easy access to the wealth of the
East. Prominent in this regard within the key Mediterranean
region were a number of city-states of Italy, not at all feudal domains
but instead types of urban republics – the most important being Venice
(which actually went on to develop a vast commercial empire linking
Europe and the East) – but including importantly also Genoa (another
shipping center) and Florence (a banking center situated in the center
of the flow of moneyed wealth East and West). But coastal
cities of the Atlantic – such as Portugal's Lisbon, Flanders' Antwerp,
Bruges, and Ghent and England's London (not on the coast but accessible
to the high seas by way of the Thames River) – and the cities of the
Hansa League of northern Germany, such as L beck, Hamburg and Danzig
and the Rhine region such as Cologne also got involved – and also grew
quite wealthy from this new East-West trade.
The rise of Portugal and
Spain. Meanwhile, the feudal dynasties themselves did not want to be left out of this
scramble for wealth and power that was clearly benefiting these rising
city-states of Italy, Flanders and other coastal regions. Thus the
Portuguese kings of the House of Aviz in the mid and later 1400s sent
explorers from coastal Lisbon to look for a direct passage to the
wealth of the East by going around Africa – thereby avoiding the
expensive Italian and Muslim middlemen of the cross-Mediterranean
route.8 Not to be outdone by the
Portuguese, the Spanish monarchy of Ferdinand and Isabella at the end
of the 1400s commissioned the Genoese sailor Christopher Columbus to
locate a supposedly more direct route to the wealth of Asia by heading
west directly across the Atlantic – presuming that Asia was only a
short distance to the West. What a surprise Columbus had when he ran
into islands just offshore of a vast landmass whose existence Europeans
were completely unaware of. This discovery would ultimately inspire
Spanish adventurers to head to this new land (given the name "America")
– when rumors of vast quantities of gold were soon verified with the
discovery – and plunder – of both Mexico and Peru (early 1500s). At this point the Spanish
Habsburg dynasty (actually originally Dutch) loomed far above all other
European dynasties (the Valois of France and the Tudors of England, for
example) in wealth and thus also power. Habsburg Spain would in fact
continue to dominate Europe totally during the 1500s – thanks to this
huge flow to Spain of plundered American wealth in gold and silver. England and France. For England and France, the Hundred Years' War
raging between the mid-1300s to the mid-1400s also served to strengthen
the hands of the French and English kings, by simply bleeding off the
feudal aristocracy in endless slaughter. In France those wars left the
feudal lords so devastated that in 1439 the king was able to put
literally the entire military establishment and an entire national tax
program into his own hands. In England the chaos continued an
additional three decades (until 1485) in an ongoing dynastic struggle
(the War of the Roses) between the two royal houses of York (White
Rose) and Lancaster (Red Rose) serving to weaken even further the
remnants of the old feudal order. In that last year, a distant
Lancastrian cousin of the House of Tudor was able to grab power, marry
a York princess, and finally, as King Henry VII, bring an exhausted
England under his firm grip. At Henry's death in 1509 his son Henry
VIII took the throne and continued to strengthen the monarchy, this
time at the cost of the medieval Church – whose lands he confiscated in
order to award the Church's vast wealth to his own political
supporters. Thus in the early-to-mid-1500s, royal absolutism also came
to England.
8Actually,
before even reaching the lands of the East (India principally), the
Portuguese had become quite wealthy in acquiring African gold and
slaves.
The Crusades – and encounter with Islam's great wealth (1100s and 1200s).
But even with their settling in, the Normans lost none of that energy –
though this energy was now tamed and converted to the powerful service
of Christian or Western society.
THE BREAKUP OF CHRISTENDOM |
Renaissance Europe. By the early 1500s, something else was stirring in the hearts
of the Europeans – some of them anyway. The personal empowerment in
wealth and the opportunity to explore life more deeply during the
European Renaissance served to challenge inquiring minds to examine
more closely the way European life itself was structured. Indeed, all of this new flow of wealth
and power was producing a vast cultural awakening, later termed the "Renaissance"
(French for "rebirth"). God and Christ were becoming upstaged in popular
interest by simply the life of man himself, and his new-found ability
to bring his world seemingly under human mastery. Thus "Humanism"
increasingly became the cultural motif of Renaissance Europe. A classic example of such
Humanism was found in the works of the political analyst, Niccol
Machiavelli. In his early 1500s study, The Prince, Machiavelli
insightfully described the way for a dictator to bring unity to a
conflicted society, through everything from brute force to simple
political deception. Humanists would later denounce Machiavelli for
his less than elegant depiction of the human spirit. But they would
also find it impossible to prove him wrong. In any case, none of this
had anything to do with traditional Christianity and its role in
European society.
Tragically, the Church had itself become caught up in the world of constant, sometimes even brutal, politics – and very little spirituality.
The
Christian social identity of Europeans had long been the foremost of
all the particular identities that a person might hold, back in
pre-modern Europe – even more important than English, or French, or
Spanish. National identities and national politics, especially on the
European continent, were only in their very early stages of
development. The people who governed European society married across
national or linguistic lines and ruled lands whose inhabitants spoke a
variety of languages. Most Latin-speaking European kings and princes
viewed themselves not as national defenders but simply as rulers of
multi-ethnic lands, personally called to keep the peace and preserve
the Christian faith in their assigned lands, wherever those lands might
be.
It is important to note that of all their
responsibilities, the greatest was still considered their divine call
as defenders of the faith. But it was also in this area of defending
the faith that considerable tension had been brewing in Europe by the
early 1500s. Many Christians felt that the Church had long departed
from its original spiritual mission and was more interested in securing
wealth and power for itself than in guiding and guarding the souls of
its people.9 Demands that the Church reform itself had largely fallen on
deaf ears among the Church's ruling elite.10 Compounding this theological
tension was a deep social-cultural clash between the older feudal order
based largely in the extensive rural countryside of Europe and the
rising urban, commercial middle class. And it had to do with not only
the rise of moneyed wealth and power in competition with landed and
titled wealth and power, but it also arose over the matter of the high
degree of literacy typical of this rising middle class.
Literacy was rare across the European countryside. Peasants did not
know how to read. Aristocratic males were normally fairly well-trained
in Latin and therefore literate. But they constituted only a small
portion of the cultural world of the European countryside. However, the
very rigors of urban commerce and industry necessitated a high degree
of literacy in the fast-rising cities, members of this rising urban
middle class needing to track financial transactions and engage in
correspondence that flowed with their trade.
And accompanying the rapid growth of literacy in
Europe's fast rising cities came the ability of members of the middle
class personally to open the sacred Scriptures of the Christian faith
to their own reading. With the advent of the printing press at about
the same time that urban culture was gaining power, the Bible became
increasingly available as a book that could easily be afforded by any
urban middle-class family, even though Bible-reading by mere commoners
had long been condemned by the Church because supposedly the meaning of
Scripture could be understood only by those trained as priests.
With a new and closer look in
Scripture and how Christian life appeared at its origins in the first
century A.D. and how the Christian life fifteen centuries later stood
socially, economically and politically, there appeared to be a huge
disconnect. In short, what the new class of readers of Holy Scripture
discovered in that reading was how far materially, morally and
spiritually the contemporary European Church seemed to have wandered
from the design or character of the original Christian community or
Church as described in the Bible. To the thinking of many of this
rising middle class, something therefore needed to be done to bring the
Christian world back closer to its roots. Clearly their Christian world
needed deep reform.
9The Roman popes at this point were clearly more interested in consolidating their political-military grip over central Italy than in playing the role of spiritual mentor to the huge Christian world of Europe.
10Earlier reformers had not done well in their effort to bring needed reform to the Church. In 1415 The Englishman John Wycliffe was officially condemned as a heretic (forty years after his death in 1384) for having dared to translate the Latin Bible into the English spoken by the common Englishman. 1415 was also the same year that the Czech reformer Jan Hus was burned at the stake as a heretic for his effort to bring the Church back to Biblical standards.
THE PROTESTANT REFORMATION |
Luther was upset in seeing how the official Church had moved Christianity slowly over the centuries towards Unitarianism. Under the dominion of the powerful Church, salvation or access to heaven had come to depend less and less on God's grace and the individual's repentance and transformation in being confronted by that grace, which the Bible clearly described as the only path to salvation. Instead, over time the idea of salvation had come to depend on the powers of the hierarchical Roman Church, a community of priests and high priests (bishops) offering ceremonial cleansing by the administration of the holy sacraments, through required confessions which brought priestly forgiveness of human sin (provided that certain cleansing rituals were undertaken as per the instructions of the priest), and finally even payments to the Church in the form of indulgences – which would speed a departed soul through the process of Purgatory (the stage after death in which individuals had to purge or work out the penalties for their sins before they could enter fully into heavenly paradise). In short, the Church was becoming the grace-dispensing institution, not the personal faith of the believer. Salvation had thus become a matter of works (required by the priestly Church) rather than divine grace freely given by God. Luther was loud in how all of this was wrong, very wrong – at least according to Biblical standards.
But such challenges were considered simply as attacks on the Holy Mother Church, and the reaction of the Christian Establishment (the Medici Roman Pope Leo X and the Habsburg Holy Roman Emperor Charles V) was that Luther had to recant ... or disappear (as critics before him had). But ready to defend Luther were some of the princes of Germany, who smarted at the way the Roman Church laid such a greedy hand on the wealth of Germany to finance its various projects, especially the building of the pope's exquisite Vatican Cathedral in Rome. Certainly, as much for political reasons as for religious reasons, they swung their support behind Luther, giving him protection from both the pope and the emperor.
Furthermore, Luther shook the foundations of the Roman Church with his claims that God intended the role of priesthood to be the self-responsibility of all Christian believers (the "priesthood of all believers") and not just the select few members of the priestly class serving the official Church.
However, when thousands of German peasants, under the leadership of Thomas Müntzer, moved to extend that idea of the sovereignty of the Christian believer to all aspects of Christian life – including their own civil governance - Luther balked. The idea of political self-government was too radical for Luther,11 who sided with the German princes, who moved decisively to put down savagely a huge revolt (1524-1525) of the German peasants (supposedly some 100,000 to 300,000 peasants were killed, although no one is quite sure of the exact number).
Theologically, Luther was a radical reformer. But when it came to challenging the feudal political order, Luther came out strongly in opposition. Consequently, the feudal order would remain intact in Germany all the way up into the 20th century, despite much of the country's Protestant character.
A far deeper and more threatening movement for Church reform now shifted to the rising urban society of Europe. And this would be led by the French reformer, John Calvin – who experienced a personal conversion that changed him from a secular-minded jurist (legal scholar) to a true Christian evangelical. This rather quickly got him in trouble in France and in 1534 he fled to Berne, Switzerland, where he began to study and write (first in Latin in 1536 and eventually in French in 1541)12 a commentary on the Christian faith, Institutes of the Christian Religion. He ultimately ended up in the Swiss city-state of Geneva, invited there by the town fathers to put his ideas of Christian reform into practice in their city. And this he did, turning Geneva into a model Christian city dedicated to honoring God with Christian life and practices conducted in accordance only with Biblical standards, and not the traditional pronouncements of the Roman or Catholic Church.
And in the process, going well beyond Luther's theological reforms, he undertook Christian reform in political or social (or civil) matters as well. In Calvin's eyes, civil and religious life were completely interconnected. One could not be properly spiritually reformed without being socially-politically reformed as well. The witness or outward evidence of an inner salvation – or being one of the elected or covenanted of God - would be clearly demonstrated in the quite obvious way the Christian actually lived in the world: humbly, lovingly, and actively supportive of the greater good of mankind. Calvin noted that a person's works were not themselves required for salvation, yet true salvation nonetheless would inevitably produce good works in witness or testimony of such a Godly salvation. This is what God rightly expected of his Covenant People.
This Genevan or Calvinist project of erecting a purified Christian society, attempting to live by Biblical standards as a Godly witness before the larger world, excited a huge number of this rising class of industrious European urban commoners. They were eager to become part of a society in which individuals presented themselves personally before God on the basis of their personal faith alone, not on the basis of the teachings of an ancient religious institution, and certainly not on the basis of the intervention of a class of professional priests. Furthermore, they tended by nature to be a hardworking lot (at a time in which feudal aristocrats looked down on such manual labor) and were pleased to find Christian dignity in their work. Therefore, this rising urban middle class, being an independent, free-thinking and hard-working lot, was quite ready to practice diligently the priesthood of all believers, one that Luther talked about, but one that Calvin actually put into full social practice.
Thus Christians from all around Europe flocked to Geneva to study Calvin's reforms, and to participate in the publication there of the Bible in more of the local European languages. Their personal Bibles provided the common people of Europe the platform on which they could then carry out their part in the priesthood of all believers.
They came to Geneva from France (the Huguenots), from the Netherlands (the founders of the Dutch Reformed Church), from Germany (the German Reformed Church), Scotland (the Presbyterians), England13 (future Puritans and Separatists), Bohemia, Hungary, Poland, and even Italy and Spain (the political heart of Catholicism.)
Finally, a Catholic Church Council was held at the city of Trent where, from 1545 to 1563, efforts were made to answer the Protestant challenge, in particular by tightening up church discipline, both theologically and politically. Besides trying to reinvigorate Catholic spiritualism, the decision was made to hunt down Protestant heretics and force their reconversion, or, alternatively, their exile – or even death – with the Spanish Inquisition (which had already gone after Spanish Jews and Muslims) leading the way.
Also the Society of Jesus, a priestly order of "Jesuits" founded by Ignatius of Loyola just prior to the opening of the Council of Trent, would play a huge role in putting some intellectual discipline behind the old Catholic order, with each Jesuit sworn to a life of simplicity, study, and total loyalty (military style) to the direction of the Roman Pope and to him alone – overriding the demand of the kings and princes to be the dominant authorities in their own realms.
But with the rise of this spiritual-intellectual awakening, the Christian Church itself became deeply divided between Catholics, who supported the feudal Church and society such as had long existed, and the Protestants, who demanded reform of both the Church and society along more Biblical - even Genevan - lines. And the division became deeper and more contentious with time, Christians fighting Christians over this matter of the Church and its ways, an issue so central to the very identity of all Europeans that the fighting soon became extremely brutal.
For instance, Habsburg Spain under Philip II (ruled 1556-1598) unleashed its armies on the Protestant Dutch lands of the northern reaches of the Habsburg Empire (1560s), arresting and executing the leaders of Calvinist Dutch Flanders (modern Belgium) along with thousands of other Flemish Calvinists - ultimately forcing the region back into the Catholic camp. But the armies of the Spanish Habsburgs found themselves unable to break the resistance further north among the Holland Dutch, who consequently remained in the strongly Protestant (Calvinist) camp.
Also, the autocratic French Queen Catherine de Médicis in 1572 invited the nobility of France to a wedding in Paris on St. Bartholomew's Day, and had the Calvinist Huguenots among them (about half the nobility at this point) slaughtered. This in turn led further to the killing of tens of thousands of other Huguenots in other French cities as well, all in the name of protecting the True Faith (Catholicism). Thus it was that the spread of the Protestant Reformation was brought to a halt in France.
Feelings separating the Catholics and Protestants thus became very bitter – and the use of power by one group to suppress the other was intense, even murderous. By 1618 the European continent found itself plunged into a savage war (depopulating huge sections of central Europe) which went on for thirty years (thus the "Thirty Years' War"). Finally sheer exhaustion over this matter of religious identity led the wearied dynasties to conclude in 1648 the Treaty of Westphalia. With this treaty the various dynasties agreed to acknowledge that some parts of the continent would probably always be Catholic and others Protestant. There was no point in continuing to fight over this matter. It was time to move on.
And not surprisingly, and quite ironically, all this ferocious religious zeal was to open the way for the rise of the Human Enlightenment or "Age of Reason," as a civilized or "reasonable" alternative to the murderous Christian theological disputes that had destroyed Europe. Scholars and thinkers since the time of Ren Descartes (early 1600s) had been exploring the idea that all of nature actually operated rather mechanically in accordance with the laws of nature (Natural Law) that were discoverable simply through disciplined study and analysis. The question of God or Catholicism versus Protestantism played no part whatsoever in this new approach to the search for the fundamental Truths of Life. All that was needed was the mature application of Human Reason to the study of the various processes directing every feature in every category of life. The mechanics of life involved in the production of goods, the similar mechanics in the behavior of plants and animals, even in the behavior of men and society, could and should be investigated simply through the process of applying Human Reason – in order to bring life's great Truths to light.
Thus was born the new realm of modern science, although at the time it was called "natural philosophy." Actually, these natural philosophers had begun the process of coming at life with an entirely new worldview, a new religion that needed no reference to the role of God (except maybe as the originator of all of life's natural mechanics) or, for that matter, of any part of the Christian religion. And so it was that towards the end of the 1600s, the Age of the Western Enlightenment – or Age of Reason – was born ... and soon in full growth.
That's what obsessive, eventually murderous, religiosity could bring mankind to. But this also should have naturally raised the question: would this new religion of the exalting of Human Reason not also itself eventually go down this same road, given mankind's love to pursue religious Reason to the point of murderous obsession? It was, after all, obsessive Theological Reasoning – not Jesus or his teachings – that had actually been the cause of Christian theology's murderous disputes.
Only time would reveal the answer to that question.
11In his Wider die Mordischen und Reubischen Rotten der Bawren [Against the Robbing Murderous Hordes of Peasants] (1525) he advises the German princes to take necessary action against the peasants: "Let everyone who can, smite, slay and stab, secretly and publicly, . . . a poisonous, devilish rebel, like one must kill a rabid dog."
12This work underwent numerous editions, increasing in coverage with each new issue, from a single volume of six chapters in 1536 ultimately by 1559 to four volumes of 80 chapters, indicative of his own development as a scholar-teacher.
13Under the brief rule (1547–1553) of Henry VIII's young but sickly son, Edward, the Protestant cause took great strides forward in England. But when he died, his half-sister Mary took the throne, an ardent Catholic, who was determined to stamp out this new Protestant intrusion into her realm. It was during the violent reign of Mary (1553–1558) that English Protestants fled England, and headed to Protestant Switzerland, coming under Calvin's strong influence.
THE IMPACT IN ENGLAND OF THE
PROTESTANT REFORMATION |
In
England the split between traditional Roman Catholics and Protestant
Reformers was less murderous - though intense nonetheless. English King
Henry VIII had split from the Catholic Church during all the commotion
of the early years of the Protestant revolt (the first half of the
1500s), but his move was strictly political and not religious. He
detested Luther, but had pursued pretty much the same goal as the
German princes in wanting to free himself from the grip of the Roman
Church and the Habsburg Holy Roman Emperor Charles,14 the very
conservative "defender of the (Catholic) faith." Nonetheless during
Henry's reign, the Protestant cause began to take root in England,
notably, of course, within the urban commercial class, especially
strong in London.
Elizabeth ... and the "Puritans." Henry's daughter, Elizabeth, who came to rule
England during the last half of the 1500s, conducted something of a
delicate balancing act so as to retain the loyalties of both English
Catholics and English Protestants. She had no desire to split her realm
into warring factions. Things nonetheless were harder for the Catholics
than Protestants in Elizabethan England, principally because her
contemporary in Spain, the very Catholic Habsburg King Philip II, was
determined to conquer England and force it back into Roman Catholicism. Thus he sent his huge naval fleet (the
"Mighty Armada") against England in 1688 ... only to have winds, skilled
English seamanship – and God himself – turn
this into a Spanish grand disaster. Nonetheless, despite this
huge Spanish humiliation, this action had the result of making English
Catholics highly suspect as being possibly
pro-Spanish. It also advanced the cause of English nationalism – which
was becoming increasingly Protestant in nature.
But Elizabeth's
middle-of-the-road policy did not please the Protestant purists (deeply
inspired by Calvin's reforms) who felt that if England did not permit
worship in the purest, most first-century or Biblical way of early
Christianity, then the reform movement in England was merely a
sham. Purity of faith was not something about which they were
willing to
compromise. And thus this group of Biblical purists collectively
came
to be known in England as the "Puritans."
James I. In the early 1600s a new ruling line took over
England (Elizabeth never married and thus had no heir of her own to
whom she could pass on her throne) when her cousin and Scottish King
James Stuart was brought to the English throne. He was raised as a Protestant
and was pleased to authorize the publication of a new English
translation of the Bible, the well-known King James Version (although
the Puritans were quite content with their English-language Geneva
Bible). But he was not willing to go much further in the direction of
Protestant reform than that. He, as Henry VIII and Elizabeth before
him, was head of the Church of England, personally appointed its
archbishops and bishops as well as presided over its theological
discussions, and was most unwilling to revise this episcopal or
top-down or structure of his English church. He detested the Puritans,
but basically tolerated them - as long as they did not get too radical
in their demands for reform.
Charles I and the English Civil War.
When James died in 1625, his place was taken by his son, Charles
I. But Charles had distinct Catholic sympathies – and tensions
thus grew between his supporters and the rising group of English
Puritans. Many Puritans – by the thousands – chose to simply
leave the growing field of conflict in England and head to America (New
England principally, but also the islands of the Caribbean) to build a
society there according to their Puritan ideals. But those
Puritans that remained behind ultimately fell into full rebellion
against Charles, producing a very bloody Civil War which pitted their
own Puritan "New Model Army" (created in 1645 by the heavily Puritan
Parliament) against the king's royal army. Ultimately, in 1649,
Charles was defeated and executed, the remaining members of the Stuart
family and their Tory supporters fled to continental Europe, and the
Puritans took full control of England for the next decade (1649-1660),
and governed the country, now operating as a Puritan Republic or
Commonwealth.15 But the years of parliamentary rule
during the Commonwealth had changed considerably the rules of English
politics – so much so that the King and his Tory supporters had to
proceed carefully in the presence of the strongly Whig Members of
Parliament. The party of Whigs, although no longer Puritans by
spiritual inclination, were nonetheless certainly Puritan offspring in
terms of their quite post-feudal attitudes about government.16 Charles II however was careful to watch
his step in dealing with the Whigs – and managed to conduct a fairly
successful reign as English (and Scottish) King. But his brother
James II, who took over at Charles' death in 1685 – was not so
wise. He got caught up in the trendy fashion set by French King
Louis XIV, who not only reigned over the most glamorous court in all of
Europe, but also set the example of what truly autocratic rule should
look like. Trying to imitate that dictatorial style of government
in England would ultimately force James II's expulsion from his throne
in 1689. Subsequently the Protestant Dutch governor, William of
Orange, and his wife (and James' Protestant daughter!), Mary Stuart,
were called on by Parliament to take the English throne as joint
sovereigns. Replacing the old religious idea of God
controlling all events in life, a new, quite Secular, worldview
(ultimately religion) was coming into place, one which instead saw life
as operating under rather fixed mechanical laws of "natural" cause and
effect. Things just happened the way they did because they were
designed by their very nature to operate that way. Thus "natural
philosophers" began the study the "nature of things" (or "natural law")
in all realms of life, from the physical universe around them to the
natural workings of man's society, even the workings of the human mind
itself. Consequently, the later 1600s became a time of intense
social inquiry – in the quest of an improved natural design of society,
one supposedly that would work better than the ones around them that
had simply evolved over time through a brutal process of social
struggle. God did not factor into this rising
intellectual world except perhaps as its ancient originator. But
God no longer was involved – nor needed to be called on – in helping
Europe's enlightened natural philosophers engineer and direct what was
expected to be a quickly improving world – a world soon to be brought
under human mastery in this new "Age of Reason." Although people still attended church (at
least one or the other of its major ceremonies, such as Christmas and
Easter, but also weddings and funerals) and still considered themselves
Christian, the reality was that Christendom was dead. Western
culture by the end of the 1600s had stepped into the natural world of
mechanically-operating materialism or Secularism – and its social-moral
counterpart, Humanism. Leading the way were a number of famous
natural philosophers, but most notably in England at the time, the
physicist Isaac Newton and the social/psychological philosopher John
Locke. These men would have a huge impact on their times, as
significant as the impact that Luther and Calvin had on the previous
century.
England's Puritan Commonwealth ... and the Restoration of the Stuart monarchy.
But England's Puritan Commonwealth, under the strict rule of Oliver
Cromwell and his powerful Puritan army, did not find its way into the
hearts of the majority of the English. Thus also failing to find
a potentially popular leader after Cromwell died in 1658 (his son was
proving to be a big disappointment), the decision was finally made by
Parliament in 1660 to call the Stuarts from exile – and turn the crown
over to Charles I's son, Charles II. Thus the Stuart monarchy was
restored in England (the "Restoration").
The "Glorious Revolution," and the "Human Enlightenment."
But Parliament's success in establishing its own dominance in English
affairs was not merely a political matter. It also had a
tremendous intellectual, moral and spiritual impact on English society
and culture. Just as the European continent turned away from
divisive religious matters after the mid-1600s, so a similar
development occurred in England at the end of the 1600s.
14Charles was the Holy Roman Emperor who tried to stop Luther; Charles ruled both Spain as Charles I and the Holy Roman Empire as Charles V. His was a very long rule (1516–1558) – as was also his son Philip II's reign (until 1598). Philip, however, received only the kingship of Spain, the Holy Roman Emperorship going to Charles's brother, Ferdinand. Thus the House of Habsburg from that point on (mid–1500s) constituted two separate branches, one in Spain and one in Germany/Austria (the Holy Roman Empire).
15Actually, the American Puritans kept their distance from the Puritan developments occurring back in England during the mid-1600s.
16These
labels "Whigs" and "Tories" were terms of contempt that one party
assigned to the other: Tories, the name for Irish Catholic
bandits, assigned to those who stood with their Stuart king and his
pro-Catholic sympathies, and Whigs, the name first for Scottish horse
thieves and then later for Scottish Presbyterian rebels, eventually
assigned to those pressing for a law which would exclude a Catholic
from the English or British throne!
Eventually those terms would also be used to
describe the groups in America in the 1770s who either supported, as
"Patriots," full independence from England (Whigs) or those "Loyalist"
colonials who thought it criminal to rebel against their English king
(Tories).