4. THE AMERICAN REPUBLIC GETS UP AND RUNNING
|
| FLORIDA |


| BUT ECONOMIC CRISIS (1819-1821) |

[1]1837, 1857, 1873, 1893, 1907, 1919, 1929, 1979 – and more recently,
the near national economic meltdown in 2008.
SLAVERY INTENSIFIES "IDENTITY POLITICS" ... AND THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE
In Jefferson's days there had been some
vague idea that slavery would soon end itself
naturally. Europe was fast moving to
outlaw the vile practice, though hardly naturally – as, even there, much bitter
debate was involved in Europe's coming to the anti-slavery decision. But in America, as time went on, the South
dug in more deeply in defense of the practice, showing no willingness to give
it up. Further, any talk of ending the
practice (now coming mostly just from the North) seemed to be an attack on
Southern culture – a culture which now placed slavery emotionally at the very heart
of its social-cultural order. Slavery
was a central element (becoming its key item) forming the distinct Southern
identity.
The "Missouri Compromise." The "Great
Compromiser" Senator Henry Clay of Kentucky offered a solution:
to create some kind of line across the country from East to West, with slavery allowable below that line as
territories advanced to the status of states – but Missouri (north of that
line) being exempted and admitted as a slave state – because now Maine was
requesting admission as a free state, thus continuing to preserve the numeric
balance. So it was that everyone
breathed a huge sigh of relief – believing that they had solved the
problem. But in fact, slavery now had become a huge
political issue clearly defined publicly, separating both North and South.

Thus
it was that the inability to find a "rational" answer to the divisive
issue of slavery only made that social
division all the deeper and more emotional with time. Finally, there really was no compromise
available – as each side became more deeply invested in its own particular
stand as the socio-political identity issue dragged on, and on.
| THE MONROE DOCTRINE |
But
not looking for another conflict, Britain approached America to see if it was
willing to enter an understanding with Britain that would keep any European
power (whether Spain or possibly even France) from taking advantage of the
infancy of the new Spanish-American regimes to try to draw them back into a
Spanish or even a French imperial circle.
Britain would provide the muscle (its navy) if America would take the
political lead in the matter. And thus
in 1823, President Monroe announced in Congress that America would protect the
independence of its neighbors to the South (and also the right of Americans to
now trade with its southern neighbors as well!).
European monarchs at first laughed at American
presumptuousness. But ultimately, they
did nothing when they realized that British power stood behind this "Monroe
Doctrine."
| ADAMS II (JOHN QUINCY ADAMS) |
When
it chose John Quincy Adams as President (John
Adams' son) Jackson was furious, because he had more votes than the others –
though not a full majority.

Secretary of State John Quincy
Adams –
by Gilbert Stuart (1818)
The White
House
But sadly, Adam's quiet (also not very charismatic)
presidency did not connect well with the hearts of American commoners – and
four years later (1828) Jackson (with the Southerner South Carolina Senator
John C. Calhoun as his running mate) finally won the
presidency.
| ANDREW JACKSON |


So,
the age of elite-led politics was over.
The noblemen (Washington, Adams Sr., Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, and Adams, Jr.) who formerly had quietly
assumed the presidency in order to serve the nation, would now be replaced by
the politically ambitious, who knew how to work the political imagery necessary
for getting elected to public office. In
this, Van Buren, on behalf of Jackson, was
a genius. He understood what it took to
appeal to the common voter. He
understood the press and its ability to create reality. He knew how to line up voters and get them to
the polls, especially in the newly emerging democratic age of the general
electorate.
The "spoils system."
This was a term coined by New York Senator Marcy in 1828 after Jackson's
victory: "To the victor belong the spoils." Politics now seemed to have one goal for
those who served: to get reelected. And to achieve that, politicians would need
social assets they could give their supporters as payoff for their votes –
government jobs mostly, though sometimes just offering a free round of beer on
election day would achieve the same result.

[2]The election of 1828, for instance, had been particularly vulgar in
tone, with candidates, or their supporters anyway, hurling coarse insults
against each other. In the case of Jackson, it was slander about the legality
of his marriage to his wife Rachel, so vicious that it may have been the reason
Rachel died of a heart attack in December 1828, shortly after Jackson’s
presidential victory, but before he was sworn into office. Jackson, understandably, remained forever
bitter about this personal tragedy.
DE TOQUEVILLE'S DEMOCRACY IN AMERICA

| THE INDIAN REMOVAL (1830s) |
The Indian removal – 1830s
Wikipedia
The Indian Removal Act was also opposed
by the newly rising party of Whigs (heavily Eastern-industrialist
in membership) – who claimed that the removal policy violated Christian
principles in every way possible. But opening up these western lands for Anglo
settlement also stole from this business class the workers they were counting
on to man the machines in their new industries back East.
The Indians themselves resisted this removal as best
they could. In Illinois the Sauk and Fox
Indians, led by Chief Black Hawk, revolted against the order and had to be
put down violently by the Illinois militia (including in its ranks Captain
Abraham Lincoln). But
one by one the Choctaw (1831), Seminole (1832), Creek (1834), and Chickasaw (1837)
were forced to move. The worst removal
occurred among some thirteen thousand Cherokee, who in 1838 were first herded into camps in
Tennessee and then force-marched westward through a freezing, snowy winter by
General Winfield Scott's soldiers.
Cold, disease, and starvation took a huge toll in their numbers. Thus many died along this "Trail of Tears," possibly as many as a third of
all Indians involved. In all, some 46
thousand Indians were relocated in order to open the way for Anglo-American
settlement into these Indian lands.
| TEXAS |
Texas was originally a huge but very sparsely
settled northern section of New Spain (the latter after 1821 constituting the
newly independent "Mexico"). Comanche Indians were such a problem
in that region that the Mexicans decided in 1824 to invite Anglo-Americans to
come and settle the area – in the hopes of displacing or at least subduing the
Comanches. Stephen Austin had already brought a group of
300 Americans to settle along the Brazos River in 1822 and the idea was to
invite other impresarios or group organizers to do the same. But by 1830 the flow of Americans into Texas
had become so extensive that the Texas region was in danger of becoming
thoroughly Americanized – and thus the flow was officially stopped.





But
this then raised the question in the U.S. itself – would Texas be admitted to
the Union as slave or free? Debate in
Congress on the matter turned heated, as identity politics always does. Meanwhile, President Van Buren was struggling with the
great economic Panic of 1837 – and was not looking for more contention to
trouble America's political waters.
But
South Carolina Senator John C. Calhoun (who in the 1820s had
switched from being a strong nationalist to instead being a strong pro-slavery Southerner) had made the
admission of Texas as a slave state a matter of high principle for the
South. He warned Congress that the
Southern states themselves resolved either to stay – or depart from – the Union,
depending on how this Texas matter was resolved. Meanwhile, John Quincy Adams had returned to
Washington as a member of Congress – and for three weeks led the opposition to
Texas' admission to the Union.
Ultimately nothing was resolved on the matter, and the issue simply
settled into a tense stalemate.





[3]At the beginning of the migration in 1825 there were only about 3,500
non-Indian settlers in Texas, mostly Hispanic.
Less than ten years later that figure was over ten times that size,
about 80% of them Americans – with a large number of slaves among them.
[4]When an election has changed the makeup of Congressional
representation, but the older members are still in position for a few months to
do business before they are replaced by the newly elected representatives.
"MANIFEST DESTINY"

In the midst of this debate, John L. O'Sullivan, publisher of the Democratic
Review wrote an article (1845) explaining that it was America's "manifest
destiny" to expand itself all the way west to the Pacific Ocean. All sorts of reactions resulted when this
term became part of the national political conversation. Eastern Whigs considered it nothing more than
a crude excuse for imperialism, although their reaction was in part a result of
seeing themselves lose their workers to an opening West. Then there were those who supported the idea
whole-heartedly – including importantly Christians, who compared the American
westward expansion to the Israelites entering and clearing out
the Promised Land to make way for the People of God to develop there. To such Christians, America had the same
divine calling on it, and nothing should get in the way of this call. It was, after all, their "manifest
destiny.




| THE MEXICAN-AMERICAN WAR (1846-1848) |
Then Polk responded to the Mexican "No"
by moving U.S. troops through Texas – past the Nueces River which the Mexicans
had (grudgingly) acknowledged as the southern border of Texas – all the way
south to the Rio Grande. To the Mexicans
this constituted an all-out act of war – and they sent 2,000 troops north to
reclaim their territory. There they
overwhelmed a small patrol of 70 American soldiers. A furious Democratic-Party-controlled
Congress now responded with a declaration of war (April 1846) – with the Whigs opposing this move.




| THE OREGON TERRITORY |

Alfred Jacob Miller's paintings of life (ca. 1837)
on the Oregon Trail – from memory
Baltimore, Walters Art
Museum

"Oregon Trail Family, 1848" – Morgan Weistling



"The House of the Indians in the Desert"


[5]The line of latitude which formed the southern border of Russia's
Alaska territory.

Miles
H. Hodges